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Open Education Declaration - Let's Support this!
by brian 28 Jan '08

28 Jan '08

FYI - let as many KICTANET members sign as possible? Education resources that are paid for with Public funds should be accessible to the public .... ------------- Please be informed about the Cape Town Declaration which was released last week. See http://www.capetowndeclaration.org/read-the-declaration. http://www.shuttleworthfoundation.org/media-centre/press-releases/cape-town- declaration-calls-open-education . There is a press page at http://www.capetowndeclaration.org/press. The Declaration already bears many signatures and will certainly contribute to raising awareness of the importance of open educational resources. http://www.shuttleworthfoundation.org/media-centre/press-releases/cape-town…

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[Fwd: [At-Large] Fwd: [ttcs] Google May Knee Cap Domain Tasting]
by alice 27 Jan '08

27 Jan '08

FYI ---------- Forwarded message ---------- From: Dev Teelucksingh <devtee(a)gmail.com> Date: Fri, 25 Jan 2008 10:33:08 -0400 Subject: [ttcs] Google May Knee Cap Domain Tasting To: lac-discuss(a)atlarge-lists.icann.org Cc: ttcs(a)yahoogroups.com Google is said to be considering banning newly registered domain names from participating in the Google for Domain Names program, severely hampering the practice of domain tasting. According to Jay Westerdal at Domain Tools, Google would block all domains if they are less then five days old. In Jay's words, "This potential new policy change by Google could stop all Domain Tasting in its tracks." Read rest of article at http://www.techcrunch.com/2008/01/24/google-may-knee-cap-domain-tasting/ -- Sent from Gmail for mobile | mobile.google.com _______________________________________________ ALAC mailing list ALAC(a)atlarge-lists.icann.org http://atlarge-lists.icann.org/mailman/listinfo/alac_atlarge-lists.icann.org At-Large Official Site: http://www.alac.icann.org ALAC Independent: http://www.icannalac.org

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FYI - Who make better managers?
by robert yawe 26 Jan '08

26 Jan '08

This is an interesting article on who makes better managers and I felt it might best explain the increase in women among top mangement and not by affirmative action but their own effort. Maybe former President Moi knew more than most of us when he rejected the concept on affirmative action, nature has already given women the edge. Its time the male of the species looked for alternative past times, the corporate world is not home anymore. Regards Why companies need female managers By Tim Weber Business editor, BBC News website, in Davos When Helen Fisher speaks, the politically correct members of her audience are likely to flinch. Declaring that she's "definitely not a feminist," the American anthropologist from Rutgers University dissects the differences between men and women. Men are more analytical; women are better long-term planners. Each gender has a different way of falling in love. And the invention of the plough did more to set back gender equality than anything else since. What Ms Fisher says is not psychobabble. She bases her findings on archaeological evidence, MRI brain scans, genetics and large-scale surveys of how men and women behave. And understanding that male and female brains develop and behave differently is important not just if you are in the dating game. It also helps us to hire the right people, improve teamwork and can - to quote part of the title of her talk at the World Economic Forum in Davos - grow a company's bottomline. Once upon a time Double-income families are not an invention of modern times. "In prehistoric times, double-income families were the norm, and women provided 60-80% of the evening meal," says Ms Fisher. But following the invention of the plough and with the resulting need for hard manual labour, the power balance shifted. Only since World War I are women re-entering the workforce and regaining their status in society. But there are much more fundamental differences between men and women, says Ms Fisher, that have been shaped over millennia of evolution. For starters, men and women are thinking differently. Brain scans prove it, as does plenty of other research. On average, women gather more data, consider the context, are intuitive, have a sympathising mind and think more long-term. Ms Fisher calls it "web thinking". Men, on the other hand, are more focused, think linear, focus on rules and the short-term - "step thinking". The culprit Blame testosterone for the difference. From the moment the embryo's brain develops in the mother's womb, high testosterone levels will make you focus on details in later life. Now lift your hand and look at your palm. Is the ring finger longer than your index finger? Then you were the recipient of high levels of testosterone. Chances are that you are an analytical thinker (or very musical), regardless of gender, while a shorter ring finger suggests you have a more sympathising mind. And men tend to grow up on lots of testosterone. You want proof? Research shows that film scripts written by women are more complex and have more ambiguous endings than those written by men. Male doctors focus on the illness and its treatment, while female doctors take a more holistic approach. The long-term thinking of women makes them better investors. It's even true in the bedroom, says Ms Fisher. Men tend to focus more on what they are doing, while women are easily distracted, she says to slightly embarrassed laughter from her audience. And when men get older and their testosterone levels sink, their brain starts to work differently - they become more sympathetic to the plight of others. But why the difference? Well, over the ages men tended to be the hunters and needed to focus. Women, in contrast, had much more diverse tasks, like bringing up children (which Ms Fisher also believes may be the reason why women are better talkers: language is the key tool to control children). The business case So what does all this mean for business leaders? Combine the long-term thinking of women with the short-term focus of men. And bear in mind that different thinking also results in very different behaviour. Men think more in terms of status and rank. Women prefer flat hierarchies. Men can have tunnel vision, women may fail to get to the point. Women find it difficult to counter aggression. When men push back, it earns them the respect of other men. When women apologise, they are not really sorry. For men it's a serious affair, a perceived weakening of their status. Ms Fisher's list goes on and on, but her message is clear. Managers, says Ms Fisher, have to realise that men and women act differently, and that they complement each other. Having only men or women on your team would be like hopping on one foot instead of walking. As the status of women is on the rise again, says Ms Fisher, we "move forward to a lifestyle we had a million years ago". Story from BBC NEWS: http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/business/7209353.stm Published: 2008/01/26 00:09:17 GMT © BBC MMVIII Robert Yawe KAY System Technologies Ltd Phoenix House, 6th Floor P O Box 55806 Nairobi, 00200 KEnya Tel: +254722511225 __________________________________________________________ Sent from Yahoo! Mail - a smarter inbox http://uk.mail.yahoo.com

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Re: [kictanet] Karuaphobia
by robert yawe 26 Jan '08

26 Jan '08

Hi, I ask, if the operators of the Internet gateways decided to install a filter to delete all mail originating from .ke addresses would my raising this issue qualify as an IT issue? BBC is selectively removing content relating to interviews of government friendly people from their web site, you decide whether my query does qualify as an IT issue, if not then I apologise to all but if it is please be man enough and apologize. In a way this should be a wakeup call to us to look into storing content locally otherwise we are at the mercy of the rest of the world who will decide what information we can make available online. Let the ICT policy makers look seriously at this issue, the sooner we setup data centers to make our messages available to the international community the safer for us all. Regards Robert Yawe KAY System Technologies Ltd Phoenix House, 6th Floor P O Box 55806 Nairobi, 00200 KEnya Tel: +254722511225 ----- Original Message ---- From: Steve Kahara <kahara(a)cfsk.org> To: robertyawe(a)yahoo.co.uk Cc: KICTAnet ICT Policy Discussions <kictanet(a)lists.kictanet.or.ke> Sent: Friday, 25 January, 2008 5:03:19 AM Subject: Re: [kictanet] Karuaphobia KICTANET List Manager. I do conquer with Edith. Lets focus on ICT issues. Warm regards ----- Original Message ----- From: "Edith Adera" <eadera(a)idrc.or.ke> To: "Stephen Kahara" <kahara(a)cfsk.org> Cc: "KICTAnet ICT Policy Discussions" <kictanet(a)lists.kictanet.or.ke> Sent: Friday, January 25, 2008 12:54 PM Subject: Re: [kictanet] Karuaphobia KICTANET List Manager. If this list is not discussing ICT issues, I think it should be closed or order restored. regards At / À 12:32 25/01/2008, Odhiambo Washington wrote / a écrit: >On Jan 25, 2008 11:17 AM, Dorcas Muthoni <dmuthoni(a)gmail.com> wrote: > > Robert, > > > > Please DO NOT use derogatory language against Hon. Martha Karua. > > > > She a sign of women leadership which is characteristically lacking in > > this > > country. > > > > Could you please apologize to the women of this country. Men have > > significantly failed us in leadership in this country and we cannot > > afford > > to have anyone undermining women of resolve. > > > > -- > > Muthoni > > >What was so derogatory about what Bobby said? If there was anything, >then I believe it wasn't intentional. Prepending "phobia" to names in >Kenya has never been derogatory though. It's sort of a culture that >has taken roots in Kenya when there are political inclinations >associated with an individual. >Now, that, to me, is not derogatory. > > >-- >Best regards, >Odhiambo WASHINGTON, >Nairobi,KE >+254733744121/+254722743223 >_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ > >"Oh My God! They killed init! You Bastards!" > --from a /. post > >_______________________________________________ >kictanet mailing list >kictanet(a)lists.kictanet.or.ke >http://lists.kictanet.or.ke/mailman/listinfo/kictanet > >This message was sent to: eadera(a)idrc.or.ke >Unsubscribe or change your options at >http://lists.kictanet.or.ke/mailman/options/kictanet/eadera%40idrc.or.ke _______________________________________________ kictanet mailing list kictanet(a)lists.kictanet.or.ke http://lists.kictanet.or.ke/mailman/listinfo/kictanet This message was sent to: kahara(a)cfsk.org Unsubscribe or change your options at http://lists.kictanet.or.ke/mailman/options/kictanet/kahara%40cfsk.org -- No virus found in this incoming message. Checked by AVG Free Edition. Version: 7.5.516 / Virus Database: 269.19.11/1242 - Release Date: 24/01/2008 20:32 _______________________________________________ kictanet mailing list kictanet(a)lists.kictanet.or.ke http://lists.kictanet.or.ke/mailman/listinfo/kictanet This message was sent to: robertyawe(a)yahoo.co.uk Unsubscribe or change your options at http://lists.kictanet.or.ke/mailman/options/kictanet/robertyawe%40yahoo.co.… ___________________________________________________________ Support the World Aids Awareness campaign this month with Yahoo! For Good http://uk.promotions.yahoo.com/forgood/

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Re: [kictanet] Online courtesy- dont misuse this forum!!!!
by robert yawe 25 Jan '08

25 Jan '08

Hi, It is unfortunate that your ethnicity is blinding you from the reality of the situation. Please be specific about the issues in my posting that have been negative to the Kikuyu and stop reacting. It is disappointing that we advocate for what you deem negative to be discussed in bars and political rallies, isn't this how we got to where we are in the first place? How many years would it take to walk from Egypt to Israel? So why did it take 40 years for Moses, a trained astronomer, to get the children of Israel back home? The life of a slave is the responsibility of his master, and as Cane was told you are your brothers keeper. All the writing is on the wall and for that reason I refuse to apologize for my comments. Regards Robert Yawe KAY System Technologies Ltd Phoenix House, 6th Floor P O Box 55806 Nairobi, 00200 KEnya Tel: +254722511225 ----- Original Message ---- From: Rebecca Wanjiku <rebeccawanjiku(a)yahoo.com> To: robert yawe <robertyawe(a)yahoo.co.uk> Cc: Kenya ICT Policy - kictanet <kictanet(a)lists.kictanet.or.ke> Sent: Friday, 11 January, 2008 12:49:59 PM Subject: Online courtesy- dont misuse this forum!!!! Dear Yawe, I am sure my name has given me away too but I dont care much about that. Suffice it to say that this is not a forum for bar talk and that kind of stuff. This is a place for serious discussions. I am sure this kind of responses can make people to unsubscribe from this list, or make others start defending their political stand. For the years I have been a member of this list, I am sure Kictanet accommodates everybody irrespective of race, ethnic background or levels of development. This is a list with people beyond Kenya, who are interested in ICT policy and other attendant issues. If everybody came to narrate such stories online, I wonder what we will do during our free time when we are supposed to engage in idle talk. Let us restrict this kind of talk to political rallies and local pubs and let this forum be for serious ICT discussions. We must see beyond some of these things. If you have any bone to pick with my contribution please reply to me directly and not to the list. Walubengo has published guidelines on posting, I am sure he will be kind enough to re-post them just to remind ourselves how to conduct online discussions. Best regards Becky Tel. 254 720 318 925 blog:http://beckyit.blogspot.com/ ----- Original Message ---- From: robert yawe <robertyawe(a)yahoo.co.uk> To: Alex Gakuru <gakuru(a)gmail.com>; ke-internetusers(a)bdix.net Sent: Friday, January 11, 2008 8:26:09 AM Subject: Re: [ke-internetusers] Election process fiasco Hi Alex, If your name is a definite give away and I would have been more surprised if your contribution was any different. Do not create a storm in a tea cub, the Kikuyu should head the adage "with great power comes great responsibility". By not uplifting the livelihood of your neighbours in Eldoret, Kisumu and Kuresoi you failed in your responsibility. Yes, you are your brothers keeper do not escape your right. Taking us back to the days of your tribes existence as gatherers (sorry they still are) you are trying to justify your abdicated responsibility. Teach your pastoral and fishing neigbours how to better their lives and this problem will solve itself. Take Raila's hand and show him how by taking EA Spectre and the Molasses plant public is the way of the future instead of selling everything to Trans Century. Teach Ruto that education is the land of the future, his mentor ruled us for 24 years longer than Kenyatta ruled yet Gatundu is still better off than Sacho. It is time the Kikuyu accepted that they have misused their God given right to enrich yourselves and frustrate those you are responsible for. Regards Robert Yawe KAY System Technologies Ltd Phoenix House, 6th Floor P O Box 55806 Nairobi, 00200 KEnya Tel: +254722511225 ----- Original Message ---- From: Alex Gakuru <gakuru(a)gmail.com> To: robert yawe <robertyawe(a)yahoo.co.uk> Cc: ke-users <ke-internetusers(a)bdix.net> Sent: Tuesday, 8 January, 2008 9:30:09 PM Subject: Re: [ke-internetusers] Election process fiasco Greetings Robert, Let break it down! You mean every Kikuyu carries a "land thief" label on their forehead? Terrible thieves of indigenous lands they should all be. Hey, what am I saying? You live and your office is in Nairobi right? And Nairobi is a maasai name. oops! Then we are occupying indigenous maasai land and we should all vacate and go back to our ancestral homes to avoid massai rungus and spears. Step 1 Kalenjin head back to Rift Valley, Luo back to Luo-Nyanza, Kikuyus to Central Kenya, Arabs, Waswahili back to the coast, Taita... etc etc.. all 42 communities ( or should I use tribes?) Step 2 Before we unpack those sufurias, beddings, and bags and city life computers and modems. History says pssst! Look over here! Sorry Bantus, the Nigeria-Cameroon- Congo forest is where you belong you only came here 5,000 years ago (3000 BC) <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bantu#Origins> And you Nilotics get up further north to the Sudan, (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nilotic) Cushitics back to the arab-asia origins. <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Afro-Asiatic_languages> Step 3 If you noticed above Nilotics include Maa-speaking peoples who earlier chased you and me from their Nairobi. etc.. etc.. Step 4 Nearly forgot, Indians please the British only brought you here to construct Her/His Majesty's EAR and you have over-stayed. Get packing thank you very much for your labours. BTW, White Kenyans remember Europe is where your ancestors are? Everyone is going back home where they belongs. ok! Step 5 If there are any Americans- Kenyans you go home as well. This is a hard one because once you get there, you then retrace where you came from because Native Americans claim that land. Australians the Aborigine wan their land back. Spanish Mexicans the Aztecs want back their land etc etc Step 6 Kenya's permanent solution to the Eldoret "problem" as per Yawe has triggered an unprecedented global migration crisis and succeeded in removing everyone from Kenya. In other works, there is no Kenya because Kenya was an artificial invention of some British adventurers who have all been compelled to go back home. Finally, Everybody is now safely back in their home land and permanent peace prevails all over the world? BTW regarding, "Evelyn brought out an interesting issue, can we digitize the land ownership patterns so that we can easily identify prospective problem zones before they flare up," I believe she must have been making reference to a KDN's business proposal because she works there and it's her job to look for new business. She's unlikely to share it with potential competitors on the list, at least I wouldn't:) Nice debate, hit me! Enjoy! Alex On Jan 8, 2008 8:04 PM, robert yawe <robertyawe(a)yahoo.co.uk> wrote: > > Hi Alex, > > We know the genesis of the problems in Eldoret and whichever way the > election went the killings and displacements there would still have taken > place. Stop bombarding God with insincere prayers, we pray together only to > walk out of the judge and return to our tribal cocoons. > > The history and progression of the tensions in Eldoret are well known and > documented, it had nothing to do with the election results but Ruto > finishing off what he begun in 1992 - 1997. Remember is the one of the only > known participant in a cabinet meeting who was not a minister. > > Give the land back to the Kalenjin it was taken away from them by the > settlers but returned to the Kikuyu. If you want my added opinion if you > decide to eat a frog eat a fat juicy one, if the Kikuyu's really want to > remain in Eldoret let them make sure they have uninterrupted tracts of not > less than 100 acres and stop promising your sons and daughters that they > will inherit the land lets move to the new age, knowledge. > > Evelyn brought out an interesting issue, can we digitize the land ownership > patterns so that we can easily identify prospective problem zones before > they flare up. > > Lets stop useless rhetoric and apply our knowledge and skills to better run > this country, stop using 18th century solutions for 22nd century problems. > There are enough busy bodies dealing with the now and here of this crisis we > need a group to look 20 years ahead to make sure that the child born in > Eldoret, Nyeri or Kisumu today does not revert to the solutions of todays 20 > year old. > > Alex, I refuse to be pulled into a discussion that I cannot provide a > workable solution that is within my skill set. Ask me for a techie solution > to a problem then I am in my forte. > > Regards > > > > Robert Yawe > KAY System Technologies Ltd > Phoenix House, 6th Floor > P O Box 55806 Nairobi, 00200 > KEnya > > Tel: +254722511225 > > > > ----- Original Message ---- > From: Alex Gakuru <alexgakuru.lists(a)gmail.com> > To: robert yawe <robertyawe(a)yahoo.co.uk> > Cc: ke-users <ke-internetusers(a)bdix.net> > Sent: Tuesday, 8 January, 2008 12:58:48 PM > Subject: Re: [ke-internetusers] Election process fiasco > > Robert: > > Firstly, I am not opposed to your expressed opinion but only calling > on prioritisation of issues. We are lucky to be alive and in our > offices typing away our diverse polls opinions and offering our best > efforts in solving problems facing our suffering brothers and sisters. > > But could we at this moment in time focus all our energies on > solidifying returning peace and calm. Hard-line political positions, > polls details, allegations or insinuations will neither console those > that lost their loved ones, destroyed homes, property, and > livelihoods. Accusations will not console fellow Kenyans and relatives > since spending every night in the cold not because they committed any > crime. > > Let us all try a very difficult thing, forgiveness. Anger is easily > inflames and spread whereas honest forgiveness is such a difficult > thing for us to do. But why should we all forgive in the first place? > some may ask. > > I believe forgiveness should not be to please the aggressor, not to > gain political mileage, settle political scores, or improve ones > public image. We should not forgive to appear righteous to appease > our religious leaders, cultural traditions, or our families. > > We should forgive so that we save own selves from self-ruin. Save our > futures from burdens of pain and grief. To break free chains of > carrying burdens of hatred for the rest of our lives. For our > conscience, hearts and minds to be unpolluted, pure and clear. To > appreciate and focus on the beauty, value and to actualise sanctity of > life every moment that we live. And to become soldiers of life, love, > kindness, and fairness fellow beings. > > What possibly could ever justify one taking the life of another? I > simply could never find words strong enough to condemn such. > > Therefore, my friend, let is not tire ourselves with politicians power > self-interests when many are undergoing trauma. At this moment in > time politicians interests bother me the least. Time will tell and I > hope 10 years todays, this country will look back at this as the > darkest cloud ever to have passed over our country. > > Alex > > On Jan 8, 2008 11:52 AM, robert yawe <robertyawe(a)yahoo.co.uk> wrote: > > > > Happy new year to you all and I pray that you are all well. > > > > It is shocking that in this day and age we can actually have the kind of > > electoral fiasco that has been visited on us by the ECK and Co as well as > > the political parties. > > > > This draconian problem reared its head when the Orange house was broken > into > > and the computers stolen. Hon.Nyongo's statement indicated that the > > objective was to steal the member register. If I needed to steal the > > register which from his comments was in electronic form what was the need > of > > taking off with the computer. Has he ever heard of flash disks, > external > > hard dis drives and CD/DVD writers. Technology allows me to steal his > data > > without him every knowing. > > > > After this issue Kivuiti dismissed the SMS service that had been made > > available by Telkom to enable voters confirm their details. He even went > to > > the extent of saying he does not know how to send an SMS. As the IT > > fraternity in the country can we really escape blame for this fiasco? > > > > The next time was when I saw Hon. Ruto standing at KICC and screaming > > himself hoarse over the forms 16 & 16A that had not been received. It > seems > > he might be using a Nokia 1018 mobile phone (he actually uses a Nokia N > > series). > > > > Was it so difficult for the opposition to provide each of their agents > with > > a camera equipped mobile phone that they would have used to to take > pictures > > of the form and also record the returning officer announcing the results. > > This would then have been easily sent to party head quarters. > > > > There are 210 or so constituencies in the country and the mobile phones I > am > > talking about cost about 10,000/- each do the math. > > > > I ask am I the only Kenyan who is aware of such technology or is this > entire > > fiasco a stage managed process. Even the EU observer teams came equipped > as > > if it was the 12th Century after which they proceeded to make unsupported > > statements about the result that further inflamed bloodshed. > > > > Maybe its a techie thing to keep in our glass houses and refuse to add > value > > to a process and only send around message (this one included) after the > > fact. > > > > It is re-assuring when we remember the Florida fiasco but this not > > withstanding do we really have a moral standing to point fingers about the > > election results? > > > > What will be our contribution to stopping this from being repeated in > > future? > > > > Regards > > > > Remember Matiba and his video cameras during the good old days of > mulolongo > > voting? > > > > Robert Yawe > > KAY System Technologies Ltd > > Phoenix House, 6th Floor > > P O Box 55806 Nairobi, 00200 > > KEnya > > > > Tel: +254722511225 > > > > > > ________________________________ > > Sent from Yahoo! - a smarter inbox. > > > > ________________________________ > > Sent from Yahoo! - a smarter inbox. > > _______________________________________________ > > ke-internetusers mailing list > > ke-internetusers(a)bdix.net > > http://www.bdix.net/mailman/listinfo/ke-internetusers > > > > > > > > ________________________________ > Sent from Yahoo! - a smarter inbox. > _______________________________________________ > ke-internetusers mailing list > ke-internetusers(a)bdix.net > http://www.bdix.net/mailman/listinfo/ke-internetusers > > Sent from Yahoo! - a smarter inbox. Looking for last minute shopping deals? Find them fast with Yahoo! Search. __________________________________________________________ Sent from Yahoo! Mail - a smarter inbox http://uk.mail.yahoo.com

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Re: [kictanet] Karuaphobia
by Edith Adera 25 Jan '08

25 Jan '08

KICTANET List Manager. If this list is not discussing ICT issues, I think it should be closed or order restored. regards At / À 12:32 25/01/2008, Odhiambo Washington wrote / a écrit: >On Jan 25, 2008 11:17 AM, Dorcas Muthoni <dmuthoni(a)gmail.com> wrote: > > Robert, > > > > Please DO NOT use derogatory language against Hon. Martha Karua. > > > > She a sign of women leadership which is characteristically lacking in this > > country. > > > > Could you please apologize to the women of this country. Men have > > significantly failed us in leadership in this country and we cannot afford > > to have anyone undermining women of resolve. > > > > -- > > Muthoni > > >What was so derogatory about what Bobby said? If there was anything, >then I believe it wasn't intentional. Prepending "phobia" to names in >Kenya has never been derogatory though. It's sort of a culture that >has taken roots in Kenya when there are political inclinations >associated with an individual. >Now, that, to me, is not derogatory. > > >-- >Best regards, >Odhiambo WASHINGTON, >Nairobi,KE >+254733744121/+254722743223 >_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ > >"Oh My God! They killed init! You Bastards!" > --from a /. post > >_______________________________________________ >kictanet mailing list >kictanet(a)lists.kictanet.or.ke >http://lists.kictanet.or.ke/mailman/listinfo/kictanet > >This message was sent to: eadera(a)idrc.or.ke >Unsubscribe or change your options at >http://lists.kictanet.or.ke/mailman/options/kictanet/eadera%40idrc.or.ke

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Karuaphobia
by robert yawe 25 Jan '08

25 Jan '08

Hi, I missed Hon. Martha Karua's interview on BBC HardTalk with Clay so I tried looking for a recording on the net. http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b008qqjx It is interesting that it is not available, could this be a case of censorship or is BBC also suffering from KauraPhobia? Regards PS. Self censorship is the worst form of fear Robert Yawe KAY System Technologies Ltd Phoenix House, 6th Floor P O Box 55806 Nairobi, 00200 KEnya Tel: +254722511225 ___________________________________________________________ Support the World Aids Awareness campaign this month with Yahoo! For Good http://uk.promotions.yahoo.com/forgood/

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[Fwd: [AfrICANN-discuss] Net body issues plea for liberty]
by alice 24 Jan '08

24 Jan '08

Net body issues plea for liberty * The overseer of the net's addressing system has asked the US government to be freed from official control. * Icann made the plea in a lengthy report sent to the US Department of Commerce. The report will be the focus of a meeting to consider Icann's progress on objectives the US government set it in preparation for independence. Icann argues these objectives have been achieved earlier than planned and now is the time for talk to turn into deciding what happens on independence. * Future focus * Paul Twomey, president of Icann, told the BBC news website that the process of meeting the objectives was "essentially complete". The US government issued a call for comments on Icann's progress prior to the meeting. Mr Twomey said the lengthy report was part of Icann's response to this request detailing its achievements. The meeting marks the half-way point for the Joint Project Agreement (JPA) under which Icann was tasked to comply with a series of "responsibilities" deemed necessary for its release from official oversight. The JPA grew out of the original Memorandum of Understanding that established Icann and signalled the beginning of the end for US control. "The Board proposes that the JPA is no longer necessary and can be concluded," wrote Peter Dengate Thrush, chairman of the Icann board, in the letter accompanying the report. Added Mr Twomey: "Has the process of the MoU and JPA towards building a stable, strong organisation which can do this transition, has that been successful? The board is effectively saying yes." Instead of creating more hoops for Icann to jump through, Mr Twomey said it was time for talk to move on and for thoughts about the future of the net body. Icann keeps an eye on the net's addressing system - the master directories of which site is where. * Work needed * Said Mr Twomey: "The JPA has been fundamentally achieved and what's more important is for the Department of Commerce and Icann to talk about what the next stage looks like." But, he added, this did not mean that Icann's work was done. "If the question is: 'Can Icann keep improving?' then, yes, of course it can but that's not the question," he said. "The time now is really to talk about what the final transition is going to look like." In the future Mr Twomey said governments would still have a role in keeping the organisation informed about public policy developments but would not be able to dictate its agenda or development. He said one of the principles Icann had worked towards fulfilling was freedom from official influence. Icann is due to meet the officials from the US Department of Commerce in March. Anyone wishing to comment on its progress towards being a private body has until 14 February to let their views be known to the US government. Story from BBC NEWS: http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/technology/7205609.stm Published: 2008/01/24 10:56:30 GMT © BBC MMVIII -- Anne-Rachel Inne _______________________________________________ AfrICANN mailing list AfrICANN(a)afrinic.net https://lists.afrinic.net/mailman/listinfo.cgi/africann

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KIF-Kenya ICT Board Luncheon
by nancy bosire 24 Jan '08

24 Jan '08

Kenya ICT Federation * * Dear Members and Partners, I Apologize, this email was to reach you yesterday, before the Mass Action was called off.......... We have been forced to postpone tomorrows Luncheon because of the mass action called for the same date, 24th January 2008, that might result to riots which will disrupt our meeting. The Luncheon will STILL take place but at a date to be announced next week. We apologize for any inconveniences. Have a peaceful day. Secretariat Manager Kenya ICT Federation Tel: 020 4440102 Mobile: 0721907995 secretariat(a)kif.or.ke, info(a)kif.or.ke http://www.kif.or.ke Mahatma Gandhi once said:- First they ignore you, Then they laugh at you, Then they fight you, AND THEN YOU WIN!!!

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[Fwd: [AfrICANN-discuss] EUROPEAN UNION’S CONVENTION ON CYBER CRIME (ETS NO. 185): FIRST INTERNATIONAL TREATY ON CRIMES COMMITTED VIA THE INTERNET]
by alice 23 Jan '08

23 Jan '08

INTERNET LAW - EUROPEAN UNION'S CONVENTION ON CYBER CRIME (ETS NO. 185): FIRST INTERNATIONAL TREATY ON CRIMES COMMITTED VIA THE INTERNET /Ira Piltz, Greenpoint Technologies/ Email <mailto:?subject=INTERNET%20LAW%20-%20EUROPEAN%20UNION%E2%80%99S%20CONVENTIO…> The Council of Europe, along with the U.S., Canada and Japan signed a convention on Cyber crime. The convention provides a legal framework for the protection of society against cyber-crime. The convention stresses adopting appropriate legislation and fostering international co-operation in this arena. It is the first international treaty on crimes committed via the Internet and other computer networks. In particular, the convention deals with infringements of copyright, computer-related fraud, child pornography and violations of network security. This Convention has been adopted by the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe at its 109th Session (8 November 2001). 41 European countries along with U.S., Canada and Japan have signed this convention. The main aims and the objectives behind the convention are set out in the preamble. The goal of the convention is to establish a fast and effective regime of international co-operation against cybercrime. The preamble stresses the harmonizing of the domestic criminal substantive law elements of offenses and connected provisions in the area of cybercrime. The convention provides for domestic criminal procedural law powers to combat cyber crime. The law enforcement agencies can investigate and prosecute the offenses committed by means of a computer system or in electronic form. *What is the structure of the convention?* The Convention contains four chapters: (I) Use of terms; (II) Measures to be taken at domestic level – substantive law and procedural law; (III) International co-operation; and (IV) Final clauses. Chapter I contains definitions for computer system, computer data and traffic data. The convention defines "computer data" as "any representation of facts, information or concepts in a form suitable for processing in a computer system, including a program suitable to cause a computer system to perform a function". Chapter II is divided in to three sections. Section 1 covers substantive law issues, while Section 2 deals with procedural law issues. Section 1 includes both criminal provisions and other connected provisions in the area of computer- or computer-related crime. Section 2 states that each party shall adopt such legislative and other measures as may be necessary to establish the powers and procedures provided for in the section for the purpose of specific criminal investigations or proceedings. Along Jurisdiction provisions are established in Section 3. Chapter III also contains provisions concerning traditional and computer crime-related mutual assistance as well as extradition rules. Finally, Chapter IV contains the signature and entry into force and territorial application provisions and the effect of the convention. *What are the various provisions incorporated in the convention relating to computer-related fraud? * "Computer-related forgery" and "Computer-related fraud" are included within the definition of computer-related offenses. These offenses typically involve the manipulation of computer system or computer data. The convention provides that each party should adopt legislative measures against the criminal offenses under its domestic law, when committed intentionally and without right-- the input, alteration, deletion, or suppression of computer data, resulting in inauthentic data with the intent that it be considered or acted upon for legal purposes as if it were authentic, regardless whether or not the data is directly readable and intelligible. It is interesting to note that the convention has also imposed a mens rea requirement. As per the convention, the States may require an intent to defraud, or similar dishonest intent, before criminal liability attaches. *What are the provisions of the convention related to child pornography transmitted via the Internet? * •Title 3, Article 9 deals with the offenses related to child pornography. The convention defines a minor as a person less than 18 years of age. However, individual states may create a lower age-limit, which the convention states shall not less than 16 years. The term "child pornography" includes pornographic material that visually depicts a minor engaged in sexually explicit conduct; a person appearing to be a minor engaged in sexually explicit conduct; and realistic images representing a minor engaged in sexually explicit conduct. The provision criminalizes various aspects of electronic production, possession and distribution of child pornography. Producing child pornography for the purpose of its distribution through a computer system is an offense under the convention. Additionally, offering or making available child pornography through a computer system; distributing or transmitting child pornography through a computer system comes under the purview of the convention. _______________________________________________ AfrICANN mailing list AfrICANN(a)afrinic.net https://lists.afrinic.net/mailman/listinfo.cgi/africann

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Re: [kictanet] kictanet Digest, Vol 8, Issue 43
by Robert Alai 23 Jan '08

23 Jan '08

Wanachi The domain safaricom.com seems not to open. Why have they ignored the country level domain? Alai On 1/23/08, kictanet-request(a)lists.kictanet.or.ke < kictanet-request(a)lists.kictanet.or.ke> wrote: > > Send kictanet mailing list submissions to > kictanet(a)lists.kictanet.or.ke > > To subscribe or unsubscribe via the World Wide Web, visit > http://lists.kictanet.or.ke/mailman/listinfo/kictanet > or, via email, send a message with subject or body 'help' to > kictanet-request(a)lists.kictanet.or.ke > > You can reach the person managing the list at > kictanet-owner(a)lists.kictanet.or.ke > > When replying, please edit your Subject line so it is more specific > than "Re: Contents of kictanet digest..." > > > Today's Topics: > > 1. about Google &Safaricom:[email protected] (John Walubengo) > 2. Re: about Google &Safaricom:[email protected] > (Odhiambo Washington) > 3. I.T. Case Studies... (Michael Kipsang Bullut) > 4. [Fwd: [AfrICANN-discuss] AFTLD 2nd African ccTLDs Event, Cape > Town, SA "April 2008" - Africann invited] (alice) > 5. Re: about Google &Safaricom:[email protected] (Kai Wulff) > 6. [Fwd: [AfrICANN-discuss] ICANN Seeks Expressions of Interest > from Auction Design Experts] (alice) > 7. [Fwd: Pambazuka News 338: Heart of darkness in Western Media] > (alice) > > > ---------------------------------------------------------------------- > > Message: 1 > Date: Tue, 22 Jan 2008 06:17:31 -0800 (PST) > From: John Walubengo <jwalu(a)yahoo.com> > Subject: [kictanet] about Google &Safaricom:[email protected] > To: KICTAnet KICTAnet <kictanet(a)lists.kictanet.or.ke> > Cc: KICTAnet ICT Policy Discussions <kictanet(a)lists.kictanet.or.ke> > Message-ID: <930487.5171.qm(a)web56608.mail.re3.yahoo.com> > Content-Type: text/plain; charset=iso-8859-1 > > I came accross the joint effort to b/w google & safaricom > with regard to providing e-addresses. Good idea, but my > question was: > > Is the domain 'safaricom.com' locally hosted? I would have > been happier (technically and mentally) if the suffix was > xyz(a)safaricom.CO.KE or is it that suddenly the .KE suffix > has brought us too much shame and pain that no one wants to > use it :-(? > > walu. > nb: as a way of leading by example, I have been planning to > shed off my jwalu(a)yahoo.com in favor of jwalu(a)jambo.co.ke > but I seem to be trapped in some perpetual migration > fever...Methinks we need to build .KE, both literally and > electronically. > > > > > ____________________________________________________________________________________ > Looking for last minute shopping deals? > Find them fast with Yahoo! Search. > http://tools.search.yahoo.com/newsearch/category.php?category=shopping > > > > ------------------------------ > > Message: 2 > Date: Tue, 22 Jan 2008 17:55:48 +0300 > From: "Odhiambo Washington" <odhiambo(a)gmail.com> > Subject: Re: [kictanet] about Google &Safaricom:[email protected] > To: "John Walubengo" <jwalu(a)yahoo.com> > Cc: KICTAnet ICT Policy Discussions <kictanet(a)lists.kictanet.or.ke> > Message-ID: > <991123400801220655w6acac9d1ta4f6b8929788b550(a)mail.gmail.com> > Content-Type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1 > > On Jan 22, 2008 5:17 PM, John Walubengo <jwalu(a)yahoo.com> wrote: > > I came accross the joint effort to b/w google & safaricom > > with regard to providing e-addresses. Good idea, but my > > question was: > > > > Is the domain 'safaricom.com' locally hosted? I would have > > been happier (technically and mentally) if the suffix was > > xyz(a)safaricom.CO.KE or is it that suddenly the .KE suffix > > has brought us too much shame and pain that no one wants to > > use it :-(? > > Hi Walu, > > safaricom.CO.KE is used by safaricom for their staff addresses. It's > simply not possible to include the ordinary mwananchi like you into > that! :-) > > > walu. > > nb: as a way of leading by example, I have been planning to > > shed off my jwalu(a)yahoo.com in favor of jwalu(a)jambo.co.ke > > but I seem to be trapped in some perpetual migration > > fever...Methinks we need to build .KE, both literally and > > electronically. > > jambo.co.ke - is that Free? > > Anyway, walu.co.ke will make more sense to me than anything else. > > PS: As an aside, and at the risk of a flame war, are you personally > happy with Safaricom as a provider? > > -- > Best regards, > Odhiambo WASHINGTON, > Nairobi,KE > +254733744121/+254722743223 > _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ > > "Oh My God! They killed init! You Bastards!" > --from a /. post > > > > ------------------------------ > > Message: 3 > Date: Tue, 22 Jan 2008 18:02:12 +0300 > From: "Michael Kipsang Bullut" <kipsangb(a)gmail.com> > Subject: [kictanet] I.T. Case Studies... > To: "KICTAnet ICT Policy Discussions" <kictanet(a)lists.kictanet.or.ke> > Cc: KICTAnet ICT Policy Discussions <kictanet(a)lists.kictanet.or.ke> > Message-ID: > <2e9a33da0801220702m57c720b7q24f97d45557f807b(a)mail.gmail.com> > Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" > > Greetings, > > Does anyone by any chance have any documented I.T. Case Studies with them? > If you do, could you please forward them to this address: > kipsangb(a)iconnect.co.ke Thank you... > > Kind regards, > > Michael. > > -- > > "To see a world in a grain of sand, and a heaven in a wildflower...hold > infinity in the palm of your hand, and eternity in an hour..." > > ~ William Blakeg. > > -- >

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[Fwd: Pambazuka News 338: Heart of darkness in Western Media]
by alice 23 Jan '08

23 Jan '08

western media bias...Africa -------- Original Message -------- Subject: Pambazuka News 338: Heart of darkness in Western Media Date: Tue, 22 Jan 2008 22:26:13 +0000 From: Firoze Manji <fmanji(a)mac.com> To: pambazuka-news(a)pambazuka.gn.apc.org PAMBAZUKA NEWS 338: HEART OF DARKNESS IN WESTERN MEDIA The authoritative electronic weekly newsletter and platform for social justice in Africa Pambazuka News (English edition): ISSN 1753-6839 With nearly 500 contributors and an estimated 500,000 readers Pambazuka News is the authoritative pan African electronic weekly newsletter and platform for social justice in Africa providing cutting edge commentary and in-depth analysis on politics and current affairs, development, human rights, refugees, gender issues and culture in Africa. To view online, go to http://www.pambazuka.org/ To SUBSCRIBE or UNSUBSCRIBE – please visit, http://www.pambazuka.org/ en/subscribe.php CONTENTS: 1. Features, 2. Comment and analysis, 3. Pan-African Postcard Please note that views expressed in articlea published in Pambazuka News reflect those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of Pambazuka News or the publishers, Fahamu. Support the struggle for social justice in Africa. Give generously! Donate at: http://www.pambazuka.org/en/donate.php /\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\ Highlights from this issue FEATURE: - John Barbieri on media coverage of the Kenya crisis - Pambazuka editors on the word “tribe” COMMENT & ANALYSIS: - Emma Mawdsley on British coverage of China in Africa - John Lonsdale on ethnicity, tribe and state in Kenya - Antony Ong'ayo on the Kenya case and media bias PAN-AFRICAN POSTCARD: George Ogola on parachute journalism and the Kenyan crisis /\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\ 1 Features WHAT IS IN THE WORD TRIBE? Africa Focus, Africa Action and H-Net Africa contributors on Western media coverage of Africa Pambazuka editors Pambazuka editors give you the war on the word "tribe" What’s in a word? What does the word “tribe” carry? Here below Pambazuka Editor’s give you a few snippets of what is a long struggle to get US Mainstream media to stop using a racist and stereotypical lens in its coverage of Africa. You can find the fascinating discussion at www. http://www.h-net.org/~africa We end with an excerpt from an Africa Action essay on the word tribe. You can see the full essay at: http://www.africaaction.org/bp/ethall.htm Africa Focus (http://www.africafocus.org/docs08/ethn0801.php) narrates that Jeffrey Gettleman for the New York Times in his December 31 dispatch from Nairobi [wrote that the Kenya electoral crisis], "seems to have tapped into an atavistic vein of tribal tension that always lay beneath the surface in Kenya but until now had not provoked widespread mayhem." Gettleman was not exceptional among those covering the post-election violence in his stress on "tribe." But his terminology was unusually explicit in revealing the assumption that such divisions are rooted in unchanging and presumably primitive identities. However Africa Focus gives an update that since the Africa Focus Bulletin that covered Gettleman’s use of language: “Gettleman's coverage of Kenya in the New York Times has avoided the indiscriminate use of the word tribe in favor of "ethnic group," and has noted the historical origins and political character of the continued violence in the country, as well as its links to ethnic divisions”. But Peter Alegi from Michigan State University in an H- Net Africa posting says and then asks: “While Gettleman (Times' EastAfrica bureau chief) seems to have toned down his use of "tribe" thanks to our protests, but isn't substituting "ethnic group" for it a minor victory? Also, folks might be interested in this side story: the other day, I wrote a brief message to Bill Keller, Times' Executive Editor (ex NYT correspondent from Johannesburg [1992-1995]), alerting him to the H- Africa thread on his paper's handling of the Kenya crisis. Mr. Keller's insulting response included the following statement: "I get it. Anyone who uses the word "tribe" is a racist. [. . .] It's a tediously familiar mantra in the Western community of Africa scholars. In my experience, most Africans who live outside the comforts of academia (and who use the word "tribe" with shameless disregard for the political sensitivities of American academics) have more important concerns." So Gettleman's ignorance about African languages, history, and cultural identities doesn't seem to trouble his boss one bit. And the utter disregard Keller seems to have for what scholars is reinforced in a closing line dripping with condescension: "If you have a string that has something insightful to say about Kenya, I hope you'll pass it along." Kudos to AfricaFocus then, but it seems that the struggle for accuracy and informed analysis of Africa in US mainstream media is going to be a long and tortuous one. Carol Sicherman, a Professor Emerita. at Lehman College underlines Alegi’s point with the following post to H-net Africa: She says writes that “On January 12, I wrote to the Public Editor of the New York Times as follows (I did not get an answer): Reading recent dispatches from Kenya, I was pleased to notice that the Times has responded to years of complaints about the biased terms "tribe" and "tribal," replacing them with "ethnic group" and "ethnic." This editorial policy, however, seems to be confined to the news. Roberta Smith's article "Face Time: Masks, Animal to Video" in the Arts Section on Jan. 11 uses the egregiously offensive phrase "a tribal, almost animalistic ritual." It is exactly that equation that makes it necessary to remove "tribe" and its related words. In the case in question, removing "tribal" would have put the focus on "animalistic" without designating Africans as inherently animalistic. It is particularly odd to find such a cliché in a discussion of the work of Yinka Shonibare, a highly sophisticated, learned, and ironic artist. I don't know how copy editors are instructed at the Times, but the policy adopted for the news section needs to be adopted for all sections. And last but not least, in1997 Africa Action said the following of the word tribe: Tribe has no coherent meaning. What is a tribe? The Zulu in South Africa, whose name and common identity was forged by the creation of a powerful state less than two centuries ago, and who are a bigger group than French Canadians, are called a tribe. So are the !Kung hunter-gatherers of Botswana and Namibia, who number in the hundreds. The term is applied to Kenya's Maasai herders and Kikuyu farmers, and to members of these groups in cities and towns when they go there to live and work. Tribe is used for millions of Yoruba in Nigeria and Benin, who share a language but have an eight-hundred year history of multiple and sometimes warring city-states, and of religious diversity even within the same extended families. Tribe is used for Hutu and Tutsi in the central African countries of Rwanda and Burundi. Yet the two societies (and regions within them) have different histories. And in each one, Hutu and Tutsi lived interspersed in the same territory. They spoke the same language, married each other, and shared virtually all aspects of culture. At no point in history could the distinction be defined by distinct territories, one of the key assumptions built into "tribe." Tribe is used for groups who trace their heritage to great kingdoms. It is applied to Nigeria's Igbo and other peoples who organized orderly societies composed of hundreds of local communities and highly developed trade networks without recourse to elaborate states. Tribe is also used for all sorts of smaller units of such larger nations, peoples or ethnic groups. The followers of a particular local leader may be called a tribe. Members of an extended kin-group may be called a tribe. People who live in a particular area may be called a tribe. We find tribes within tribes, and cutting across other tribes. Offering no useful distinctions, tribe obscures many. As a description of a group, tribe means almost anything, so it really means nothing. If by tribe we mean a social group that shares a single territory, a single language, a single political unit, a shared religious tradition, a similar economic system, and common cultural practices, such a group is rarely found in the real world. These characteristics almost never correspond precisely with each other today, nor did they at any time in the past. Tribe promotes a myth of primitive African timelessness, obscuring history and change. The general sense of tribe as most people understand it is associated with primitiveness. To be in a tribal state is to live in a uncomplicated, traditional condition. It is assumed there is little change. Most African countries are economically poor and often described as less developed or underdeveloped. Westerners often conclude that they have not changed much over the centuries, and that African poverty mainly reflects cultural and social conservatism. Interpreting present day Africa through the lens of tribes reinforces the image of timelessness. Yet the truth is that Africa has as much history as anywhere else in the world. It has undergone momentous changes time and again, especially in the twentieth century. While African poverty is partly a product of internal dynamics of African societies, it has also been caused by the histories of external slave trades and colonial rule. In the modern West, tribe often implies primitive savagery. When the general image of tribal timelessness is applied to situations of social conflict between Africans, a particularly destructive myth is created. Stereotypes of primitiveness and conservative backwardness are also linked to images of irrationality and superstition. The combination leads to portrayal of violence and conflict in Africa as primordial, irrational and unchanging. This image resonates with traditional Western racialist ideas and can suggest that irrational violence is inherent and natural to Africans. Yet violence anywhere has both rational and irrational components. Just as particular conflicts have reasons and causes elsewhere, they also have them in Africa. The idea of timeless tribal violence is not an explanation. Instead it disguises ignorance of real causes by filling the vacuum of real knowledge with a popular stereotype. Images of timelessness and savagery hide the modern character of African ethnicity, including ethnic conflict. The idea of tribe particularly shapes Western views of ethnicity and ethnic conflict in Africa, which has been highly visible in recent years. Over and over again, conflicts are interpreted as "ancient tribal rivalries," atavistic eruptions of irrational violence which have always characterized Africa. In fact they are nothing of the sort. The vast majority of such conflicts could not have happened a century ago in the ways that they do now. Pick almost any place where ethnic conflict occurs in modern Africa. Investigate carefully the issues over which it occurs, the forms it takes, and the means by which it is organized and carried out. Recent economic developments and political rivalries will loom much larger than allegedly ancient and traditional hostilities. Ironically, some African ethnic identities and divisions now portrayed as ancient and unchanging actually were created in the colonial period. In other cases earlier distinctions took new, more rigid and conflictual forms over the last century. The changes came out of communities' interactions within a colonial or post-colonial context, as well as movement of people to cities to work and live. The identities thus created resemble modern ethnicities in other countries, which are also shaped by cities, markets and national states. Tribe substitutes a generalized illusion for detailed analysis of particular situations. The bottom-line problem with the idea of tribe is that it is intellectually lazy. It substitutes the illusion of understanding for analysis of particular circumstances. Africa is far away from North America. Accurate information about particular African states and societies takes more work to find than some other sorts of information. Yet both of those situations are changing rapidly. Africa is increasingly tied into the global economy and international politics. Using the idea of tribe instead of real, specific information and analysis of African events has never served the truth well. It also serves the public interest badly. *Please send comments to editor(a)pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org ****** THE POVERTY OF INTERNATIONAL JOURNALISM John Barbieri John Barbieri writes about the pervasive and dangerous myths that have characterized the coverage of Kenya's post election crisis in the US and elsewhere First, let me honorably mention that the title of this piece is borrowed from Kenyan journalist Rebecca Wanjiku [1]. As most others, I have watched in dismay and outrage at the events in Kenya following the announcement on Dec. 30th of the (manipulated) election results. I have been equally, if not more so, dismayed, outraged and disgusted by how the situation and violence there has been depicted and framed in the international media, especially here in the United States. In almost all of the recent coverage and commentary on Kenya in the mainstream U.S. media there have been three particularly dangerous and pervasive myths and misrepresentations that have appeared. All of these myths have been previously commented on by much more eminent figures than I, but perhaps it will help to restate and further comment on all of them in one place. Three Pervasive Myths and Misrepresentations First, this is not ‘ethnic conflict.’ Similar to the way that most African conflicts get reported, there is the ubiquitous framing of the situation as conflict solely being driven by ethnicity. This is most profoundly seen in the statements of ‘tribal conflict’; it must be made clear that this is an extremely racist, antiquated and inaccurate depiction of the situation. Though there has been an ethnic factor to some of the conflict, this factor is largely overemphasized at expense of the more pervasive factor of the rich/ poor and the gross inequities in resource distribution across and among ‘ethnic lines’ (that is as if such lines could be so clearly drawn). As many have more articulately said elsewhere the situation must be re-framed as a political conflict. More specifically, the organized violence following the elections must be framed as political elites manipulating their supporters (including paying and equipping armed militias and using the armed instruments of the State) to inflict violence on their behalf; it is so-called leaders fomenting hatred among their supporters all for their own personal benefit; and it is power-hungry politicians willing to do whatever it takes, literally willing to throw Kenyans’ lives away in their attempt to do it, and to be so disgustingly eager to use that violence as a mere pressure point on the national and international community to get/retain power. Both parties were guilty of this, but in particular the man sworn in as President has employed the disproportionate brutal force of the police and military, especially the General Service Unit. The repercussions of depicting the situation as solely ethnically- driven can be seen in the distorted sense of history and context for all conflicts in Africa and elsewhere. One of the most pervasive historical misconstructions is especially evident in the popular writings and collective memory of the Rwandan genocide, which continue to frame the genocide as being simply the result of primordial ‘tribal conflict.’ In so doing the context and history of the genocide is obfuscated by neglecting the ongoing role played by the brutal legacy of the colonial power (Belgium in the case of Rwanda) and of national, regional and international politics following ‘independence.’ Second, this is not a ‘shock.’ We need to attack the myths and claims being reported that the developments in Kenya are a great ‘shock,’ and that this is a great blow to a ‘beacon of stability, democracy and economic growth in Africa.’ For anyone who knows the history of Kenya, the history of colonialism and the history since ‘independence,’ they know that these developments are not a shock and that they have been long in the making. The developments are directly connected to the inability of the Kenyan government to come to terms with the brutal legacy and power distributions inherited from British rule, including the constitution itself. And specifically the developments were written all over the wall leading up to the election to anyone who was paying attention to the fomenting of ethnic tension by Kibaki/PNU and Odinga/ODM, yet too few seemed willing to acknowledge it. Anyone who claims that this is a ‘shock’ is either blatantly ignorant, dishonest or practices mere wishful thinking to be so naïve. And anyone who claims that Kenya is a grand ‘beacon of stability, democracy and economic growth in Africa’ misrepresents the hardships and injustices that the vast majority of Kenyans desperately face on a daily basis; they also inaccurately depict the past five years of the ‘booming economic growth’ witnessed under the Kibaki regime, which through exorbitant amounts of corruption and increasing income inequality has ensured that the benefits from that robust economic growth has by-and-large reached only the very elite. Third, and perhaps most importantly, is the role of the U.S. It must be made clear and people must fully understand the large role that the U.S. has been playing in Kenya and throughout eastern Africa. The U.S. has keenly been trying to build up allies in East Africa and the Horn of Africa to counterbalance other perceived ‘threat’ countries in the region. These key U.S. allies include Kenya, Tanzania, Ethiopia, Djibouti, Uganda and the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia. These allies are meant to act as a counter-balance to the ‘threats’ of Sudan (the Bashir regime), Eritrea and the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) in Somalia. The Bush administration has clearly supported incumbent Kibaki due to the fact that his government has been one of these key allies in the ‘war on terror’ in the East and the Horn of Africa. The Kibaki administration has allowed and worked closely with the U.S. on supposed ‘terrorist’ raids along the coast of Kenya. The Kenyan Anti-Terrorism Unit (with American and British support) has conducted these extralegal anti-terrorism operations along the Kenyan coast, targeting the sizeable Muslim population there. According to human rights organizations in Kenya these anti- terrorism operations have included the roundup, torture and extradition of Muslims (to Somalia, Ethiopia and elsewhere) without being charged or given a trial, similar to ‘war on terror’ operations elsewhere. The people, nearly all of whom are Muslims, being targeted are dubiously claimed to be Al Qaeda operatives or a part of other subversive terrorist organizations. Similarly, Kenya was an ally during the U.S.-supported invasion of Somalia by Ethiopian forces to overthrow the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) in southern Somalia exactly one year ago. What was, and still is, routinely missed in the story of the UIC is how they helped to implement order, stability and social services that had not been seen in southern Somalia for nearly 15 years; and how the UIC was primarily an effort to depose corrupt warlords (many of whom were being backed by the U.S.), not to impose an international Al Qaeda- like jihadist movement as many claim(ed). Kenya’s (i.e., the Kibaki administration’s) role in the military operations included working with U.S. forces along the Kenya-Somalia border and the ubiquitous sharing of ‘intelligence,’ but they also played a more direct role as well. At the onset of the invasion, the Kenyan military, seemingly at the behest of the U.S., closed off its border with Somalia and refused entry to all Somalis, including refugees, trying to flee southern Somalia. Soon after, the U.S. conducted air strikes in southern Somalia killing at least 30 people, most, if not all, of whom were probably fleeing civilians, not ‘Al Qaeda operatives’ as was alleged. In short, the Bush administration had clear ‘national security’ ambitions in seeking that Kibaki, as a key ‘war on terror’ ally in eastern Africa, stay in power. Also, add to this the vested American, UK and other European business interests in Kenya as well, who likely did not care for Odinga’s ‘social democratic’ platform which was posing the threat of more taxes and redistributive wealth. The biggest blow to U.S. credibility and neutrality in the matter, though, came immediately after the election results were announced. Incredulously, the U.S. State Department quickly came out and congratulated the man sworn in as President on his ‘victory.’ This was done despite the fact that every diplomat in the country clearly knew of the irregularities in the election and the hastily swearing in process of the President. Realizing its mistake the State Department quickly moved to retract this congratulatory statement, and then issued a statement calling an end to the violence and for the situation to be resolved through ‘constitutional and legal remedies.’ However, it is quite clear that these ‘remedies’ are blatantly weighted in the incumbent’s favor and thus will merely support the status quo: Kibaki and corruption. Since January 4th the U.S. has been pursuing the diplomacy route with Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer, who has now departed, and Ambassador Michael Ranneberger leading these attempts. However, it is was disturbing that despite Frazer’s close watch and ongoing separate talks with both sides, she (and therefore the U.S. in general) was not able to prevent Kibaki from disastrously going ahead and filling the most critical posts in the President’s cabinet. More recently it should be no surprise that the few Heads of State who have come out and congratulated Kibaki on his ‘victory’ are also key ‘war on terror’ allies of the Bush administration. These Heads of State include: President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda (who has received much aid from the Bush administration and has been crucial in supplying troops for the AU force in Somalia), transitional President Abdullahi Yusuf of Somalia (who the U.S., Ethiopia and Kenya helped reinstate after the overthrow of the UIC), Sheikh Sabah of Kuwait, King Mohammed VI of Morocco, and Prime Minister Themba Dlamini of Swaziland. An excerpt from Somali President Abdullahi Yusuf’s congratulatory message to President Kibaki is worth quoting: ‘…both our countries must remain strong partners on the global war on terror and steadfast Allies in protecting freedom.’ Further still, Uganda’s starch dependence on Kenyan supply routes and Museveni’s close relationship with Kibaki must be stressed, and therefore the widespread reports that the Uganda People’s Defense Force is masquerading as police, destroying property and killing people in western Kenya must be seriously addressed! As others have already made clear (e.g., Mukoma wa Ngugi [2], Wandia Njoya [3], etc.), it should not be assumed that Odinga/ODM is somehow inherently antithetical to the interests of the U.S. and of international capital; the extravagant fuss over Odinga’s Hummer was perhaps one highly illustrative example of his true nature as an elite who gladly enjoys connections to the West and living well above the rest of Kenyans. Also, it should not be believed that U.S. support for corrupt and autocratic Kenyan leaders started with Bush- Kibaki, it is well-documented how the U.S. had been keenly supporting and arming the preceding 24 year dictatorship of Daniel arap Moi during the final years of Cold War geopolitics and beyond. Lastly, all of this is not meant to suggest a direct U.S. connection to the manipulated election results, but still the overall interests and role of the U.S., and other international actors, in Kenya must be made clear. (For more facts and figures on the U.S.’s military ties to Kenya and incumbent Kibaki see Daniel Volman’s excellent short article <http://www.concernedafricascholars.org/080110_volman.php> [4].) The Poverty of International Journalism In all, it has been disgusting how reporters have been so eager to energetically document and provide inaccurate and inhumane commentary on the bloodshed, but have been too unconcerned in trying to actually understand the situation and report what Kenyans are really saying and thinking; although this should certainly come as no surprise. The inspiration and title for this article comes from Kenyan journalist Rebecca Wanjiku’s blog ‘The Poverty of International Journalism,’ and this excerpt about a broadcast on CNN is worth quoting at length: Understanding the local language is very important when reporting from foreign countries. For instance on Sunday [January 6th 2008], there was on television an injured man and those carrying him said in Swahili "tunampeleka hospitali" (we are taking him to hospital?) But the journalist's translation was that he had been asked "are you shot or cut?" with the response coming back that he was actually the victim of a shooting. It is unlikely that this was an innocent mistake, the journalist may simply not have cared what was true and what was not, and it is unlikely either that the world audience would have noticed, but using video like this to underline a story you are making up is dishonest reporting. I have faith that Kenyans will soon be embracing each other, and that we will soon get back to the urgent yet more mundane tasks of kujitafutia riziki – putting food on the table. I hope CNN will be around to cover that and not simply rush on to the next big story. By the way, how comes CNN does not cover American soldiers or civilians bleeding and writhing in pain, yet has no second thought for the dignity of the dead and dying from other countries? It has been Kenyan journalists and bloggers, like Rebecca, and other local reporters who have been the real champions of correctly depicting and analyzing the situation, and who are actually raising the real desperate concerns of Kenyans. Rather than condescendingly prescribing analysis and treatment from London, New York or even the U.S. embassy in Nairobi (which is, although not as geographically removed, as cognitively removed from the concerns of Kenyans), the mainstream media needs to listen, understand and make clear the history and context of the current situation, and stop speaking so ignorantly and arrogantly about it. And good journalists need to call out fellow journalists who are perpetuating the pervasive myths and stereotypes (e.g., Canadian journalist Arno Kopecky’s Daily Nation article [5]). I would like to take this opportunity, then, to call out CNN reporter Zain Verjee. Miss Verjee, as someone who grew up in Kenya, and therefore should know better, it is despicable how you have been playing up the ‘ethnic conflict’ angle in your TV reporting. Why are you doing this? Are you callously using the plight of your countrymen/women to simply boost your career ambitions? Why is it that you so seldom let other Kenyans actually speak, and rather choose to just speak ‘on their behalf?’ Why is it that as someone who has worked on campaigns to spread awareness of violence against women have you not been more vigorously reporting the disproportionate effect that the violence and displacement has had on women in Kenya? Why is it that I have not once heard you mention the role the U.S. is playing in Kenya? Miss Verjee I am sorry that you were hit by a teargas canister during your recent reporting (although it should not have been a surprise given your attempt to ‘get the story’), but perhaps you might now feel some of the brutality that so many Kenyans have endured and perhaps now you may start honestly speaking on their behalf and letting their voices be heard. The situation in Kenya, like all political conflicts (e.g., eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia, Darfur, eastern Chad, Iraq, Pakistan, Burma, Sri Lanka, etc.), should be vigorously reported, but it must be framed and depicted accurately by incorporating a proper historical context and the perspective of the people there. The perspectives/stories of people there must be told, but they must not be simply trivialized and sensationalized, as is so often done, particularly in the simplemindedness of televised ‘reporting.’ It is so sad that in the business that is U.S. TV reporting we seldom actually hear the voices of people telling their stories from around the world; rather we too often get a voice-over by some clearly intelligible Western (i.e., ‘white-sounding’) reporter. Why not use subtitles!?! Why must these people be robbed from having their voices heard, why must we be robbed from hearing them?!? Or why not find articulate English speakers (there certainly are an abundance of them in Kenya) to speak on their own behalf, and not demean their ‘foreignness’ by using unwarranted subtitles? And why do we have to wait for ‘crisis’ situations to hear these voices? Why do we hear, or rather really just see, only the bad? Why do we not hear and see good, fun, silly, playful, uplifting and empowering stories being told every day? Why do we not hear and see stories with depth about love and dreams as often as we superficially see stories about loss and despair? In conclusion, news without a proper sense of history and context is just a list of jumbled half-truths, and news without a proper respect for and input from the people who are actually affected is just a list of callous stereotypes. In the past week, now that the violence has slightly eased, the U.S. media seems to be losing interest in the situation in Kenya. Forgive the extreme vulgarity, but the mainstream U.S. media appears to send the following double message: we are not interested in Africans or African politics, that is unless there is a full out Rwanda-like bloodbath (with pictures of gruesome machete attacks and all, of course) so we can stereotype all Africans as the savages we think they are. I hope that all journalists, reporters and editors may heed these calls and start acting responsibly and start reporting the truth coming ‘out of Africa.’ * John Barbieri is an independent reporter who lived in Kenya from Jan.-June 2007, and is the founder of the US Coalition for Peace with Truth and Justice in Kenya. He can currently be reached at kenyanpeace(a)gmail.com *Please send comments to editor(a)pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org * Please click on the link for the article notes http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/features/45590 ****** /\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\ 2 Comment and analysis FU MANCHU VERSUS DR LIVINGSTONE IN THE DARK CONTINENT? How British broadsheet newspapers represent China, Africa and the West Emma Mawdsley Emma Mawdsley examines the coverage of China's growing influence in Africa by the British print media The words and images we use do not describe ‘reality’, they create it. Language (terms, metaphors, and analogies) and images (such as films, news photos, maps and cartoons) are caught up in struggles over interpretation – which means that the language and images of the powerful are important tools in creating and maintaining particular points of view amongst politicians, policy-makers and the public. This paper explores the way in which six British broadsheet newspapers have covered China’s growing role in Africa over the past seven years. China’s impacts in Africa are complex and varied by country, sector and context, and most of the newspaper articles reflect that. Whether more critical or approving in tone, the articles invariably point to both benefits and problems associated with China’s rise. Even those which focus on specific issues or countries, tend to open or conclude with at least a sentence or two outlining a broader assessment of the prospects and problems associated with the growing relationship. Even so, a detailed analysis led us to identify five narrative tropes that recurred consistently and frequently, which tended to systematically endorse images of African weakness, Western trusteeship and Chinese ruthlessness: 1) a tendency to refer to ‘the Chinese’ or ‘China’, as if the various Chinese actors all shared the same interests; 2) a tendency to focus excessively on China’s interests in oil over other commodities; 3) a decided preference for focussing on China’s negative impacts on the continent, and within that, on issues and places of violence, disorder and corruption (e.g. Zimbabwe, Sudan, Angola) over other negative issues (e.g. trade imbalances, undermining domestic manufacturing sectors); 4) a tendency to portray Africans as victims or villains; and 5) a frequently complacent account of the role and interest of different western actors in Africa. Representations of Africa, China and the West First, most press reports tend to refer simply to “the Chinese”, often overlooking the fact that Chinese communities and actors in Africa are diverse in origins, roles and interests. The Chinese in Africa include longer standing and more recent diasporic communities, often engaged in small and medium business, but with a range of histories and relations with China and with their adopted African homes. Media accounts tend to focus much more strongly on Chinese state firms and agencies, as well as the more recent wave of large private enterprises (although the distinction can be blurred). But interests differ – longer term Chinese diasporic populations, the managers of Chinese companies, Chinese labourers employed by those companies, and different elements of the Chinese Government may have very different views on, for example, political stability, corporate transparency or democratic accountability. Different Chinese firms may have competing interests over what constitute desirable conditions for import/export trade or commodity extraction/ manufactures. The following quote indicates competing interests that are otherwise rarely reflected in the media accounts that were analysed: “Venturing into Africa is a superficially attractive option for Chinese enterprises with limited global experience, as they can avoid the kind of competition and rules they face in markets such as the US or the European Union. But Chinese companies are also under great pressure to invest in Africa to fulfil political commitments made by China’s leaders, who provide financial incentives, including cheap loans, for them to go overseas. “First we must listen to what the country says, but we have our own company considerations” says Mr Wang of Chico, an enterprise controlled by the provincial government of Henan …[Mr Wang says] they “get criticism” from officials back home if they miss business targets, which often involve expanding overseas investment” (Financial Times, 20 June 2006: “China ventures on rocky roads to trade with Africa”). Allied to this is a tendency to isolate Chinese firms as nationally discrete entities. In fact, joint enterprises with both African and western firms are becoming more common. The second theme identified is the focus on oil and, to a lesser extent, natural gas and ores, over other commodities. This reflects a wider focus on the geopolitics of oil, a subject that the Iraq war and massive oil price rises have brought to the fore of western public attention. Although oil is undeniably an important issue, and a major component of Sino-Africa trade and economic growth, this is concentrated in Angola, Sudan, Nigeria, Gabon and Guinea. For many African countries, exports of fish, timber and grain, or imports of relatively cheap manufactured goods are just as important. The focus on oil lends itself to a discourse of resource competition rather than the recognition that China and the West have a range of interests and relations in Africa, including potentially complementary ones. Third is a very uneven focus on China's interests and impacts in different African nations. More positive elements tend to get less attention (debt cancellation, investment, lower commodity prices for consumers, support for a greater international voice etc), with a preferred focus on problem issues. Moreover, we find that there is a preferred focus on zones and subjects of violent conflict, corruption, genocide and authoritarian leadership, rather than, say, the less gripping images of China’s impacts on trade imbalances or under-cutting of African manufacturing sectors. The overwhelming balance of articles is on Sudan, Zimbabwe and Angola, with far less attention paid to, for example, Lesotho, which is experiencing immense hardship competing with China in textile production; or Kenya which is struggling to compete with China in the manufactured goods sector. Fourth, within these accounts, Africans, tend to be reduced to villains (Mugabe, the Sudanese government) and victims (African populations, Darfur, the poor), an observation that fits with the findings of many other critical evaluations of the media. African agency, as leaders or ordinary citizens, workers and consumers, is rarely emphasised. Allusions to adolescence or childhood are common. Thus, discussing China’s effects on Chad: “Chad was supposed to establish a model of good practice. But, as a western observer in the country puts it: “The risk is [following China’s oil deals] it will become an example for the worst [African] pupils” [emphasis added]. (Financial Times, 23 January 2006: “The ‘resource curse’ anew”.) The paternalistic line that the West needs to save Africa from China’ depredations is something reflected elsewhere in the media. An extended Channel Four news report which was widely circulated and repeated, started: “To Tony Blair, Africa is somewhere which needs healing or saving and Sierra Leone gets a lot of British aid. But the Chinese are looking at the continent through different eyes. They see it as a source of raw materials, especially oil, which they need for their own development. And somewhere like Sierra Leone, fresh out of war – they think it’s ripe for trade and investment” (Lindsey Hillsum, Channel Four, 4 July 2005) Finally, Western actors – businesses, governments, national and international development NGOs – are typically portrayed as benign within the majority of these articles and accounts. Many articles imply or state that while the West did in the past have supported authoritarian leaders, or were party to corrupt business practices, it has learnt its lesson and reformed. While colonialism was economically exploitative and morally wrong, according to many of the articles exploring China’s ‘new African safari’ or ‘new scramble for Africa’, western colonialism is claimed to at least have had a paternalistic/developmental dimension and well-intentioned elements - an attitude that has translated into an ethical concern for Africa in the postcolonial period. Thus, in the contemporary setting, Western companies supposedly operate under a different ethical regime because of their own high convictions; labour laws; voluntary agreements as part of wider government and third sector pressure to improve business with Africa; consumer demands for more ethical production and trading; and/or shareholder pressure. None of these are said to apply to state-run or private Chinese companies. Above all, the dominant (although by no means universal, narrative) that runs through many of the articles is that the mistakes of the past have been addressed, and the West is now the architect and energiser of a new drive towards good governance and development, with aid now accompanied by ethical conditionalities, while reformed commercial practices promise investment, extraction and trade that will enhance development rather than line the pockets of kleptocratic elites. These faltering steps forward, which will be of mutual benefit to western companies and ordinary African people, are under threat from the unscrupulous Chinese. A few quotes give a flavour of these arguments: “But while the meeting [2006 FOCAC] is intended to fuel China’s global drive for resources, raw materials and markets, concerns are growing that the boosters of Beijing do not have Africa’s best interests at heart and that western countries will be cut out of future business”. (The Guardian, 1 November 2006: “Beijing’s Race for Africa”) “There are concerns too about soft loans leading to unsustainable debt and generous aid programmes that undermine efforts to improve governance, transparency and accountability. If the World Bank and IMF say no or attach conditions, Beijing always says yes…. The [2006] Beijing Summit is a big deal for China, a deliberately showy monument to its value-free strategy. It would be absurd to claim that western greed and interest did not do enormous damage in an earlier scramble for Africa. But the age of colonialism is over. It should be accepted today that global power brings global responsibilities. Tyranny, inequality and corruption offend universal values. In the countries where it now has the ability to make a difference, China should think twice about offering its help with no strings attached”. (The Guardian, 4 November 2006: “Scrambling to Beijing: China and Africa”) “That virtuous circle of increased assistance and better governance has been the hall mark of the approach taken, with varying degrees of success, by the West and Japan since the end of the Cold War. China now threatens to blow apart that consensus”. (The Telegraph, 26 April 2006: “The dragon in Africa”) “Soft Chinese loans to vulnerable and corrupt African regimes, arranged outside the painstakingly agreed Equator Principles for responsible lending, risk reversing progress towards extricating such regimes from debt. … And misconceived or badly executed civil engineering projects risk irreversible environmental damage … Such a critique is valid. Coming from the West it also has a hint of the hypocritical. China’s current scramble for African energy and resources is modest compared with Europe’s scramble for African territory a century and a half ago. And China’s sometimes reckless spending only mirrors gambles by Western banks and governments in the postwar era. But now Beijing risks repeating the West’s mistakes … when it allowed massive increases in overseas aid and investment with no commensurate adjustments to its foreign policy”. (The Times, 2 November 2006: “China and Africa”) There are undeniably elements of truth in some of this – some western companies are indeed bound by their charters, public pressure and voluntary agreements to abide by standards that can reduce their competitiveness with companies not thus circumscribed. Bilateral and multilateral initiatives on debt, trade and aid have made some advances towards greater equity and reparation of injustices. These efforts and advances should not be belittled. However, there are three main sets of problems with the imagery of a benign west being undermined by a ruthless and unscrupulous China. The first is that, despite advances, many western companies remain mired in corrupt and exploitative business practices. Without losing sight of the importance and achievements of incremental improvements in western accountability and transparency, they remain inadequate. The second problem is that of scope and scale – the West’s impact on Africa cannot be reduced to the efforts of NGOs, aid agencies or companies. We must look beyond these limited horizons to debt, unjust trade regulations, uneven power in the institutions of global governance, the ‘war on terror’, and increasingly, perhaps, climate change, to develop a better understanding of the West’s impacts on Africa. Third, ‘development’ is almost invariably coded as apolitical and positive in these articles – although interestingly such partiality and complacency tended to be situational, apparent when framed within the specific China-Africa story. Newspapers and even individual journalists who in other reports may be very critical of, for example, the halting, late and inadequate provision of medical supplies, or debt, or trade inequalities, appear to become less critical when the West is framed in the same article as China. Thus, while the Australian, French and South African companies may also be condemned for working in Zimbabwe, in none of the articles analysed were these framed in the same space as a critique of China’s business interests. Running throughout, we can identify recurring words and phrases which are indicative of the images outlined above: China is ‘guzzling’, ‘aggressive’, an ‘economic juggernaut’, ‘insatiably’ ‘thirsty’ for oils and minerals, and ‘voraciously’ capitalist. “China is prowling the globe in search of energy sources” (Declan Walsh, 9 Nov. 2005, The Guardian, emphasis added) “As a voracious China scours the world for minerals, no regime is off limits” (Financial Times, 12 Jan 2006: “Insatiable Beijing scours the world for profit and power”) “[China] is ravenous for raw materials”. (The Telegraph, 26 April 2006: “The dragon in Africa”) In an article headlined “China’s goldmine: Tony Blair and Bono see Africa as a moral cause; China sees it as a business opportunity. But is Beijing’s interest based on economic partnership – or ruthless exploitation?”, we find: “The resurrection of Chambishi [a major Zambian copper mine] is just one small example of China’s explosion into Africa. From the barest foothold a decade ago an army of diplomats, technicians and entrepreneurs has kicked the continent’s door wide open, making Beijing a heavyweight investor and political player” (The Guardian, 28 March 2006: “China’s goldmine”, emphasis added) This position and language stands in contrast to accounts of western FDI, which is only presented as an unambiguously positive flow. Unlike the West, the Chinese have ‘insinuated’ their way into the continent. For example: “Quietly, while the attention of the world has been elsewhere, China has become a major player in Africa”. (The Independent, 7 September 2006: “The benefits and dangers of those gifts from the east”) “China, which now foresees annual trade with the world’s poorest continent totalling $100 billion (£50 billion) by 2010, began stepping up its presence stealthily in Africa in the early 1990s” (The Times, 25 April 2007: “From favoured patron to target of dissenters”, emphasis added) Dan Large, at SOAS, argues that these images are indicative of western defensiveness about ‘it’s backyard’, and can be seen as part of a wider reaction to an emerging power. The language of red dragons in the continent takes us back to the geopolitical discourses that characterised the Cold War. Conclusions To retiterate, amongst the database of articles reviewed there were alternative perspectives and stories, critical accounts of western roles and histories, and a recognition of the complex but also positive possibilities of greater Sino-African relations. However, the themes identified above emerged as strong and pervasive scripts in British reporting on the contemporary relationships between Africa, China and the West. Africa is one place in which China and western nations, notably the US, are likely to find themselves in a position of competition, and these images and languages, both popular and policy, are significant. In a recent analysis, Andrew Still (2005) urges the importance of maintaining moderate, pragmatic and respectful language and diplomatic ‘signals’ on both sides, if we are to avoid hardening ideological dividing lines between China and the US in particular – Still talks in terms of a potential degeneration of relations that could usher in the next Cold War. He suggests that: “ … some of the most difficult issues [between China and the US/West] lie in the realm of ideas and identity rather than the narrow economic and political interests, making them far less tractable. Not least of these will be the way in which the debate over ‘the rise of China’ is conducted in the public sphere. The limited repertoire of historical analogies on which it currently draws … creates a distorting prism through which the issue is viewed and provides a thin basis for more thoughtful analysis of how to ensure a peaceful power transition” (Still, 2005, p.3-4) In the context of what is certain to be growing economic and political competition between China and the US (with the UK and other nations playing bit parts), including over Africa, media images and representations will play an important role in shaping public understandings, debates and political pressures. These in turn will have consequences – however negotiated or contested – for different countries, actors and interests in Africa. * Dr. Emma Mawdsley is a lecturer in geography and Cambridge University. This article is a short version of a paper to be published in Political Geography in 2008. For a copy of the longer version, please refer to the journal, or contact the author on: eem10(a)cam.ac.uk *Please send comments to editor(a)pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org ****** KENYA: ETHNICITY, TRIBE, AND STATE John Lonsdale John Lonsdale argues that key to the post-election crisis in Kenya lies in the changing role of the post-colonial state in relation to the country's ethnic terms of political trade The extensive commentary on Kenya's troubles has tended to blame ancient tribal rivalry, cynical political calculation, or a combination of the two; with the corrupted electoral process seen as providing the unintended catalyst - or worse, the deliberate instigator that awakens latent tribal hostility. British imperialism has also received its expected share of criticism, for inventing the now-indigenous Kenyan practice of divide and rule (see Caroline Elkins, "What's Tearing Kenya Apart? History, for One Thing", Washington Post, 6 January 2008). While all such explanations have some merit they may also mislead the unwary, since they underplay the always slippery relations between ethnicity as a universal human attribute, politicised tribalism as a contingent process, and the state - any state, colonial or otherwise - as a cockpit of variously contested but always unequal power. How, then, can a focus on such factors illuminate Kenya's continuing turmoil? A colonial formation In the 19th century the area that became "Kenya" was stateless. Its peoples' civility, their ethnicity, was shaped by their subsistence: farming or herding, or some mixture of both. Such ethnic groups were not teams, not "tribes". Loyalties and rivalries were smaller than that - patriarchal lineages, marriage alliances, age-groups, trading partnerships, client-clusters, and the like. Ethnic groups were constituted more by internal debate over how to achieve honour in the unequal lives of patron or client, than by solidarity against strangers. Ethnic economies indeed were as often complementary as competitive, with different specialisms. But such inter-ethnicity - which was not without its frictions - was facilitated by the absence of any central power that might arrange groups in hierarchical relations. Sustained "tribal rivalry" could not exist under such decentralised, underpopulated, conditions. It was European rivalry that imported that modern Leviathan, the state, in the late 19th century. It was, like all states, assembled by force and driven by self-interest. Its British officials allied with African leaders too weak to be rivals; and occasionally did a little to rein in the otherwise self-destructive excesses of those potentially overmighty subjects, the white settlers. The colonial state, responsible to Westminster and at the same time nervous of India's viceroy and then (at independence) the country's first prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru - since British Indians far outnumbered white Britons in Kenya - stood to some extent athwart both Africans and settlers, trying to mediate the contradictions between them. Both settlers and Africans colonised the state and the facilities it provided. What had previously been a multi-polar mosaic of scattered nodes of socially productive energy became, within Kenya's new borders, a layered pyramid of profit and power, unequally divided between two key centres - one "white", one black - and many marginalised peripheries. White settlers got 20% of Kenya's high-potential farmland. As these settlers failed to provide enough state revenue and blocked African opportunity, the British increasingly encouraged African farming on the other 80%. So the second economic centre became Kikuyu-land: home of 20% of the population; close to the capital, Nairobi; cool and attractive to missionaries, with more schools than elsewhere. By geographical accident, then, Kikuyu had a head start in making money (essential to advance political ambitions) and in acquiring modern managerial skill. Most nationalisms start among those subjects who do best out of, and are most useful to, an ancien regime; their frustrations are keenest, their opportunity greatest. Yet while that may explain Kikuyu leadership of Kenya's anti-colonial nationalism, it does not account for their involvement in Mau Mau, its secretive, violent, offshoot. To that point I will return, as it is a key to understanding the present. A social transformation In the new circumstances, other and not-so-well-placed ethnic groups made the most of what they had. They were often driven by a local patriotism inspired by vernacular, mission-translated, Bibles that told of an enslaved people who became a tribal nation. They embarked, in combinations of hope and desperation, on chain-migrations out of pauper peripheries (not unlike the Scots or Irish in comparable circumstances) to colonise particular niches of employment: on the railway; on white farms and plantations; in domestic service; or in the police and army. Yet others came to dominate the livestock trade. Officials and employers exploited these various tendencies and stereotyped the supposed ethnic qualities of the group concerned. The British helped to harden ethnic divisions made greater by differing potentials for social mobility. Britain did not simply divide in order to rule. The emergence of ethnic consciousness also arose from local debates about how the genders, generations, rich and poor should relate, as older inequalities were transformed into new differentiations less sensitive to existing moral audits of honour. Nowhere was such differentiation so sharp as among Kikuyu. Its effects became politically acute after 1945 when settler employers in the Rift Valley's "white highlands" mechanised production, and the extensive Kikuyu diaspora of tenant-workers in the region refused the worsening conditions they were offered. These "ex-squatters", failing to recover a home in their increasingly populated, and property- protective, "reserves", had to make shift in Nairobi's slums. The insistent question, "how then can I live as an honourable Kikuyu?" was what separated the militants of Mau Mau from the politically conservative, propertied, patrons - led by Jomo Kenyatta - who first inspired them. A political competition The horrors of the Mau Mau "emergency" war of the 1950s that ensued proved the repressive potential of a colonial state too closely allied to the settlers, its strongest clients. But the relative calmness of decolonisation in 1963 similarly proved the advantages of an outgoing state power that was not solely dependent upon its local roots - a clear contrast with Rhodesia's fiery end. The post-colonial state - rooted in a competitive society, for good historical reasons - is once more different. For the state has been the sole agency by which Africans could aspire to climb the commanding heights of the economy against racially entrenched interests - in land, commerce and finance. In recent years it has continued this role by ever more devious means, to meet external demands for "liberalisation". Access to its power matters. It is concentrated in an executive presidency, now directly elected, capable of manipulating all public institutions, including a parliament elected from single-member constituencies that either singly or in contiguous groups coincide with what have become tribal territories. In consequence, the competition for a share in this power became governed by internal ethnic accountability and tribal rivalry. President Kenyatta and his Kikuyu elite soothed the frustrated honour of their Kikuyu poor with settlement schemes in the former "white highlands" (of which the bulk, historically, had belonged to less favoured Maasai and Kalenjin groups). His successor Daniel arap Moi, finding less room for the poor of own Kalenjin, did more to create for them an ethnic elite. Politicians generally justify their privilege by carving ethnic benefits from state largesse. But (in Kenya as elsewhere) this extractive approach faced increasing pressures. The ferocity of competition for a share of state power rose over time - as population has grown, as the fertilising rains of the post-colonial Africanisation of opportunity long ago dried up, as the terms of trade for primary commodities turned sour. It was fairly easy for Kenyatta to ensure that all, more or less, enjoyed a turn "to eat" in the ethnic coalitions on which a parliamentary majority relied. It was more difficult for Moi. As the political stakes rose, so it became more tempting to attract and reward one's ethnic followers with officially-deniable opportunities for thuggery at the expense of those who were now tribal rivals in land, urban property, or petty trade. With every "bought" election, popular anger grew among Kenyan citizens - to an extent that they created pressure for a constitutional change which would strengthen parliament at the expense of the presidency. A national transition? A new president, Mwai Kibaki, was elected in 2002 to clean the Aegean stables. But in that effort he has disappointed all but his Kikuyu cronies. Now, in the presidential election of 27 December 2007, he appears to many to have broken the tacit rules of national competition - the last straw. That the opposition was, it seems, merely less successful in rigging the ballot will not make reconciliation any easier. Some of the subsequent opposition violence is politically directed. But the worst, by Kalenjin "warriors" against Kikuyu "immigrants" into the Rift Valley, may have outrun such elite-engineered tribalism to become an eerie echo of Mau Mau - in being an internal, generational, ethnic revolt against the compromises by which its own recently-manufactured Kalenjin elite came to terms with the "old wealth" of Kenyatta's Kikuyu. There are, then, two very different dynamics currently at work in Kenya: internal ethnic dissidence and external tribal rivalry. Neither can be disarmed without rewriting the rules of political competition for the power of a rather different ("post-post- colonial") state. It would have to be less closely allied to its strongest clients, and offer its services more disinterestedly to all Kenyans. These might in consequence come to think of themselves more as citizens, less as ethnically-defined clients. It is a very great deal to ask. Kenya faces two possible futures. On the one hand, the normal inter- ethnicity of most daily lives may have been poisoned by the recent violence, forecasting a broken state. On the other, the shock may have persuaded Kenyan elites of the old, Burkean, truth that a state without the means of some change is without the means of its conservation. There is perhaps a glimmer of hope in the opposition's success in getting its man elected as the speaker of the new parliament. * John Lonsdale is emeritus professor of modern African history and fellow of Trinity College Cambridge. This article was first published in OpenDemocracy *Please send comments to editor(a)pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org ****** THE KENYA CASE AND MEDIA BIAS Antony Otieno Ong'ayo While the whole world is aware of the crisis is in Kenya, thanks to the international and local media, most of their reporting is accurate, however, there is need for an honest analysis of the situation in Kenya The media It is sad at this moment in time to apply outdated tactics of muzzling the people who are expressing a democratic right. In the case of Kenya, gagging the media would not help Kibaki and his cohorts, since the level of awareness and resolve among Kenyans not to return to the dark days of dictatorship is so high. The courage of the Kenyan media and journalists despite setbacks initiated by Internal security Minster (Michuki) is worth noting, but more so the way in which they reported events during the campaigns and eventful day of vote counting. However, there are problems with headlines (both local and international) that have appeared since the outbreak of post elections violence. The ethnic dimension is appearing to be the main focus of international press and they are also reporting that it is a Kikuyu- Luo issue but that is not true. Besides the fighting in the slums in Nairobi, Nakuru and Mombasa whose inhabitants are from all backgrounds though dominated by communities from western Kenya, Killings taking pace in the Rift Valley; Coast provinces are not perpetrated by the Luos. The fact that Raila is a Luo is not a justification enough to tag a whole community, just because one of them is a leading personality in the current stalemate. Such bias will direct attention in the wrong direction, and could be used to gang up against other communities, as has been the case in the past. There is no mention of killings taking place in Nyanza province especially in the Lake Town of Kisumu where Police has been shooting protesters at the orders of the internal Security Minister (Michuki). Condemnation of violence should be applied across the board. Victims of the violence are from all over especially in the slums, but where it is perpetrated by the state in a selective manner, condemnation should be focused on security forces and those who give such orders) These kinds of statements misinform the world of the actual facts on the ground and hinder insights that could help get Kenya out of the situation. Secondly reducing the current post election conflict to a Kikuyu-Luo affair is cheap analysis that is devoid of facts and reflections of what happens on the ground. Most of the current Western media analyses do not taken into account the underlying factors such as the failure of institutions of the state, such as the electoral commission of Kenya whose mediocre performance has plunged the country into bloodshed, a draconian constitutional framework that has been at the service of ethnic chauvinists and jingoist in power since 1963, the centralised power and networks that benefit from it, whose abuse and actions have led to marginalisation of certain groups from national resources, equitable public appointments, and the grand scheme involving local and international elites who exploit Kenya under the “old order”, interests/forces that want to keep the status quo and their role in the current problem. Bias and partisan analyses are also observed in the local media especially the media owners association, Kenya broadcasting corporation, Kenyan citizens in the diaspora through various blog sites and debaters in the local Newspapers where intellectuals, opinion and church leaders have taken sides, instead of guiding the debate in a more honest way so that all Kenyans can identify where the problem lies (draconian laws, out-dated political system, poverty, inequality, corruption, unequal distribution of resources countrywide and lack of access to essential services among others). Kenyans suffer under these conditions regardless of their tribe, and that is why those who live in the slums are from all tribes, even though previously marginalized by earlier regimes such as the Luo, Luhya and other minority groups make up the majority in those dwellings. Leadership and national interest The question that people need to ask is why did Kibaki sought to be Kenya’s president, in 1992, 1997, and finally became one in 2002? Was it because he lacked money? Was he someone with an agenda for the “whole “ nation? And if he had one, what was the agenda? Was that agenda realised between 2003 and 2007? Why are Kenyans having a problem with his agenda presented during the campaigns and the people around him majority of whom have been rejected in their own backyards? Why did most Kenyans have a problem with giving him another mandate? Why would someone who is a billionaire and aged 76, not want to leave a legacy that would be remembered in positive terms? What is so painful to forego that Kibaki would not want a clean election? More important to ask is why the current “elite” and morons around Kibaki are afraid of change of the current system and/or leadership to go into the hands of “lesser” communities? And lastly, why was the current regime rejected by majority of provinces and communities? Even though there are arguments that Kenya’s economy has grown at 6% over the past two years, the gap between the rich and poor has widened, with more people falling below the poverty line. The slums did not get smaller, nor did North Eastern and North-Eastern provinces get piped water from lake Victoria, the Samburus did not receive hospitals and tarmac roads, no fish industry was built along Lake Victoria and loans given to fishermen. 40 years is a long time for the Samburu, Turkana, Rendile and Somalis to wait for basic and essential services to reach them, it is a long time for Kamba people to wait for water and receive food hand outs during starvation, it is a long time before the fishermen along Lake Victoria receive funding through a fishing Board to take care of their interests in agriculture as done to coffee, tea, pyrethrum and dairy farmers; it is along time to wait for any major industry in Western Kenya; it too long time for Mijikenda to have resources from Coastal investments recycled back to alleviate their poverty, thirst for water, better schools and hospitals. Obstacle to dialogue In my view Kibaki is hostage to a number of factors that seems to contradict his call for putting the nation first. First and foremost are the networks of buddies and business comrades and elite form Mt Kenya who have been on the Gravy train since 2003. For what explains the refusal to find a middle ground while knowing so well that the outcome of the elections are not acceptable to everyone including their own people? The people holding Kibaki hostage are the ones Kenyans need to address in their quest for finding a peaceful solution to the current crisis. These people have a lot to loose if the man goes, thus the reason they are against recount, judicial review or re-run of presidential elections. Kenyans regardless of their ethnic background come distant in their priority of needs and actions. The opposition also has a role to play in the process and that will depend on the kind of proposal they put on table, which should be scrutinised by Kenyans since the issue at hand is about how Kenyans are governed and therefore Kibaki or Raila are just but people they expect to govern them through their mandate which includes listening to their views and respecting their will as expressed through the social contract via the vote and representative democracy. A Government of National Unity, or a recount of ballots papers will not solve any problem. It is a well-known fact that ballot papers especially those used for tallying presidential votes were already tampered with and might mot be traced. Secondly Keep never keeps any promise. He did not keep his promise to Kenyans after he made promises upon election in 2002; he never honoured agreements with his comrades upon enthronement, he renegade on the fight against corruption, poverty and tribalism. He does not have the will to keep his promises therefore arrangements such as a government of national unity will just be a soft landing for him, it will be a process that legitimises his hold onto power at the expense of democracy and the will of Kenyans who came out to vote on the 27^th December 2007. Kibaki and his handlers, do not care about democracy, it is a word they use at their convenience. The best arbitrator in this case is the voter. All mediators coming to Kenya should not let Kenyans down by proposing frameworks that will maintain the status quo. It will be a mockery to democracy and great betrayal to the many Kenyans who have lots their lives since the 50s, to liberate the country from colonial yokes but also from the yokes of fellow Kenyans such as Kenyatta, Moi and Kibaki. The Killings Kenyans should stop Killing each other. The culprits are few people who are out busy with self-aggrandisement at the expense of a whole nation. Although the current killings are unacceptable since they are an outcome of a stupidity of failure by Kenyan politicians to grasp the communality interest, Kenyans and more so those who abuse the political system and state institutions and resources should know that "Kenya belongs to all who belong in it" and all should be given equal treatment. There is no justification for the minister of internal security to use outdated and counterproductive tactics of targeting specific ethnic groups with paramilitary force and orders to kill. The images on television screens, shows that most of these people could be apprehended and taken to court. Senseless beating and shooting based on orders of a politician with colonial hangovers will exacerbate acts of revenge instead of resorting to the rule of law to settle disputes or address acts pf violence that are currently being perpetrated by some Kenyans who exploit the chaotic situation. The paramilitary police used by Michuki on the Luo (historical tactic, used by Kenyatta, in the 60s and early seventies) is selective and directed in one direction towards a group of people but that too will create more anger and feelings for revenge. Struggles in the Rift Valley are also about past wrongs against the minority communities like Ogieks who were chased out of the forest and the places given to the central province groups. Maasai and Kalenjin whose prime land were taken by the British, and later by the elite around Kenyatta. These grievances have never been addressed and due to the complex nature of ethnic blend in those regions, Moi for instance exploited this mix to cause chaos in order to vilify the onset of multiparty in Kenya. Ethnic clashes in 1992 and 1997, produced suffering and anger which have been kept low, but now fully exploited in the face of a dashed hope for change. These people thought there could be some equity with change of government but that hope is gone, so we expect anger, but also revenge as result of past clashes that were instigated by Moi prior to 1992, and 97 elections. Democratic test What I fear most is that if Kibaki is allowed to rule, Kenya will return to the dark ages, all the democratic gains will be lost. They will know that they can always rig elections and get away with it no matter what people do including protest, they don’t mind whether people die or not, since they will be able to get away with it. Kibaki’s behaviour in relation to vote tallying and results in the 2007 elections makes democracy look sick in Africa. It brings to mind the question whether there are free and fair elections? Or whether franchise or high voter turn out as witnessed in Kenya can turn a regime out of office? What about the role of institutions to support such a process like an independent police, electoral commission, judiciary and a parliament that is sensitive to the needs of the country, free and non-partisan media, respect for the rule of law by all parties involved in the electoral process? Even though democracy has never been perfect although being adopted by nations and peoples, its institutionalisation depend more on local history, culture and geography and not analyses and prescription as it is applied in other contexts. In the case of Kenya, the political, economic and social systems are complex and full of nuances, combined with other forces/ vested interests/pressure groups that exert more power, thus making the ordinary voter appear to be a pawn rather than a "king" maker. Therefore if Kenya is to build on the already made gains on the democratic front, a solution to the current crisis must be found in tandem with the reality on the ground. The reality that the “presidential election was rigged” and the incumbent is hell-bent on hanging to power no mater what cost, but also the reality that the opposition is making claims which have been proved right by the electoral commission itself and the various poll observers that Kibaki did not win the elections”. Although, calling for peace or on the major players to urge their supporters to clam down is a first step, but the call for peace should not water down the main cause of the problem which is “rigged elections” which is a threat to democratic gains. Being soft on this point would embolden the antagonists especially the “winners” and based on their history of arrogance and lack of decorum in addressing national issues, they will brush aside the issue at stake and this will fuel anger which is not only expressed by the opposition, but the very people the winners want to “rule” at all cost. Way out Asking Raila or Kenyans to forget this and forge ahead, and wait for another 5 years by many partisan authors in various local dailies and international blogs is not sincere and honest since such calls are directed at one party and not the other two. Why are people not asking Kibaki to resign? Why not ask for recount and audit of the votes? If the Electoral commission is not honest, how sure can we be of the courts in Kenya? Kenyans know that the system is rotten thus the overwhelming vote and a clear message that they want something different. They should not be denied this difference by hiding behind discourses that keeps on mystifying the problem. If Kibaki goes on without the approval of Kenyans, he is not making it better for those already hurt in one way or the other through killings and destruction seen in the past days. These things will haunt the nation after he is long gone and people around him or groups supporting him will not escape blame and demands to be held accountable. Peace can only come when the two parties agree to talk, engage and get into a process that will heal wounds on both sides of the divide (the people, the Opposition and PNU politicians). Allowing Kibaki to go ahead and bury his head as if nothing serious has happened will only exacerbate the arrogance of the group around him as witnessed during a recent press conference and the exchange between PNU Ministers and the press. Such one sided approach and attack on the opposition will only help strengthen the status quo, the exploitation, discrimination and inequality along tribal lines, which will exacerbate problems even if calmness would return today. What is urgently needed are; Curfew in Opposition areas to be lifted and regular police patrols with a humane face be initiated in hot spots to give people confidence in the state institutions for their safety. The general service unit has no role in the process since it is a catalyst instead of providing safety. The Kenya Pipeline Corporation should immediately resume pumping oil to western Kenya and Uganda. Cutting this supply is not different from scorched earth policy and if someone in the government has ordered such action, which was observed already before the election days then he/she or they are fueling the crisis instead of solving it. This should apply to other services like electricity, food items among others Kenyan civil society organisations, Law Society, The Kenya National Human Rights Commission and invited institutions to help in the process of reconciliation and putting in place a framework that would bring back the credibility of the electoral process and an acceptable conclusion A re-run of presidential election supervised by a team of independent observers and representatives of the two parties (ODM and PNU) within an agreed time frame. It is now clear from ECK that they did not know who won. The ECK had put aside funds for a run off, and that money can be used to SAVE KENYA. * Antony Otieno Ong'ayo is a Researcher in the New Politics Programme at the Transnational Institute *Please send comments to editor(a)pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org ****** /\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\ 3 Pan-African Postcard PARACHUTE JOURNALISM AND THE KENYAN CRISIS George Ogola George Ogola decries the simplistic western approach to covering news on Africa, as exemplified by the reporting of the Kenyan post- election crisis They were probably the longest days of my life. Red-eyed from lack of sleep and desperate for updated information on the Kenyan elections, I meticulously watched international TV networks and spent hours surfing the net for relevant sites covering the elections. I could sense curiosity turn into anxiety then fear before an unprecedented implosion. Kenya was at war with itself. The Economist called it ‘a very African coup’ while Raila Odinga called it ‘a civilian coup’. Both PNU and ODM claimed victory. Confusion reigned as chaos erupted. Months of excitement had turned into uncertainty for some and distress for others. But as I agonised with my people, there was a parallel drama unfolding. When controversy over the presidential elections threatened to destroy our fragile nation-state, ‘parachute’ journalists descended on Nairobi eager to cover yet another ‘trouble spot’ in the blighted continent. As the country went to the polls, Africa collectively had no more than tickers in the major international news channels. A week prior to the election, only Al-Jazeera had taken some trouble to tell the Kenyan story. Reuters Africa proved another notable exception. But the familiar would soon follow, vicious and unrelenting. When protests met the announcement of the presidential results, CNN, BBC 24 and Sky News sent some of their finest to Nairobi. But the frame of reference had been pre-determined. A narrative had been established. Kenya had descended into tribal anarchy reminiscent of the Rwanda genocide. Neighbours had turned onto each other just because they belonged to different tribes. ‘Tribal violence’ became the definitive mantra and was the basis for reports across the world. I recall a BBC 24 news anchor asking a reporter when the results were announced whether a military coup was an immediate possibility. Meanwhile, pundits were carefully selected. As a rule, they were middle class white folk mostly ex-diplomats previously based in Africa and ‘respected’ London-based Africanists working with the city’s many ‘Think-Tanks’. There was the occasional African interviewed on a late night show. The frames of reference could not be destabilised. People were being targeted and killed indiscriminately by tribal mobs. The savagery both in the deed as well as coverage was taken to new heights when a Church was set ablaze in Eldoret killing more than 40 people. International reporters flew to the town and milked the tragedy. They reconstructed the gory scenes, the savagery unbeknown to man since Rwanda. Footage of rotting corpses in maize fields and overflowing morgues were aired without reservation. The dead were denied dignity. If you were Kenyan, you cried; and I wept. But I cried for my country as well as the job I love. The kind of coverage I saw on Sky, BBC 24, Euro News and a host other channels was not magnanimity. I was convinced it was not a desire by a section of the international media to tell the world the true story about the conflict that was slowly consuming Kenya. This was about a good story; it was about the exploitation of a people crying out for help. It was equally about a western anthropology that figures conflict in Africa only in tribal terms; an Africa whose existence is so basic it must not be understood beyond the discourse of the tribe. I witnessed the power of a selective morality that tends to view Africa from a paradigm of difference, a unique rationality that embraces the kind of savagery the world was witnessing. Feature stories, commentaries and editorial pieces revelled in descriptions of gore; of eyes gorged, bodies burnt beyond recognition, of limbs severed with machetes. The description sounded more like a sport. Context and detail was ignored as the number of deaths became fodder for good stories. Highbrow newspapers suddenly became tabloids with pictures of fleeing Kenyans, children sleeping rough and lines of women with bowls queuing for food making the cover pages. TV news anchors asked reporters on the ground how many were starving, how many more had been killed, and how many more villages had been razed. Helicopters were more useful flying over burnt out villages to capture footage of frightened villagers than provide assistance. When many news channels heard whiff of planned protests, the question was not what it was about but how violent it would be. The threshold of death was continuously being revised, indeed rewritten. Amid this, the obvious was deliberately being negated. Why was violence in Nairobi largely restricted to the slums of Kibera and Mathare? Was it possible that the Kenyan poor were at war with the rich and with themselves, though speaking in a voice that is anathema to a revolution? Why was violence so seductive? Why were the middle classes marooned in their suburbs, silent and invisible? Why was the violence so vicious in the rural areas and especially in the Rift Valley? Was it really possibly that because of disputed presidential elections, Kenya would suddenly implode? Was there a historical trajectory to this conflict? No, the unambiguity of Africa as a problem continent could not be challenged at a time when it was such a good story. The assumption that informs the continent’s interpretation is that this is a continent whose civilisation cannot be so sophisticated as to have class wars; neither can it justifiably fight for anything remotely democratic. I’m still torn between weeping for my country and an institution I still love dearly. * Dr. George Ogola teaches at the University of Central Lancashire *Please send comments to editor(a)pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org ****** /\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\ Fahamu - Networks For Social Justice http://www.fahamu.org © Unless otherwise indicated, all materials published are licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 Unported License. For further details see: http:// www.pambazuka.org/en/about.php Pambazuka news can be viewed online: http://www.pambazuka.org/ RSS Feeds available at http://www.pambazuka.org/en/newsfeed.php Pambazuka News is published with the support of a number of funders, details of which can be obtained at http://www.pambazuka.org/en/ about.php To SUBSCRIBE or UNSUBSCRIBE go to: http://pambazuka.gn.apc.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/pambazuka-news or send a message to editor(a)pambazuka.org with the word SUBSCRIBE or UNSUBSCRIBE in the subject line as appropriate. The views expressed here are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of Pambazuka News or Fahamu. ISSN 1753-6839

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[Fwd: [AfrICANN-discuss] ICANN Seeks Expressions of Interest from Auction Design Experts]
by alice 22 Jan '08

22 Jan '08

-------------------- From ICANN Dear All, Thanks for your help in disseminating the word for African Companies. ICANN Seeks Expressions of Interest from Auction Design Experts 18 January 2008 ICANN is seeking expressions of interest from entities experienced in developing and managing auction processes. ICANN has identified several areas where auctions might be an appropriate tool, such as the efficient disposition of data from terminated registrars and registries, the allocation of single-character second-level domain names, and perhaps, resolution of contention between competing commercial applicants for identical strings in the application process for new generic Top Level Domains. A number of commenters and academics have recommended auctions as the preferred method of objectively allocating scarce resources such as popular second-level domain names or gTLD strings. Also, ICANN received substantial public comment in the discussion on allocation of single-character second-level names that the names should be allocated through an auction model. ICANN is an internationally organized non-profit public benefit organization that administers certain features of the Internet's unique identifiers. As a private-public partnership, ICANN is dedicated to preserving the operational stability of the Internet; to promoting competition; to achieving broad representation of global Internet communities; and to developing policy appropriate to its mission through bottom-up, consensus-based processes. A general description of ICANN is available at http://icann.org/tr/english.html <http://www.icann.org/tr/english.html>. *Background* As recommended by the GNSO Council, ICANN commenced a Forum on Allocation Methods for Single-Letter and Single-Digit Domain Names in gTLD registries. ICANN conducted the public forum from 16 October to 15 December 2007. The Forum on Allocation Methods identified support from members of the ICANN community and described several auction models of single-letter and single-digit domain names at the second-level (see 16 October 2007 announcement at http://www.icann.org/announcements/announcement-16oct07.htm, and Summary of Comments located at http://www.icann.org/public_comment/single-letter-summary-comments-23dec07.… [PDF, 61K]. If these models are pursued, ICANN staff has determined that the additional knowledge and expertise on auctions is necessary to further work in this area. Although implementation plans are still in development, ICANN staff has also identified auctions as a possibility of final resort for addressing string contention among multiple applicants for popular new generic TLDs. Additional guidance on auctions will be beneficial as staff moves toward the introduction of new gTLDs in the near future. In furtherance of the protection of registrants, auctions also provide a mechanism for addressing the termination or failure of accredited registrars and gTLD registries and the efficient transfer of names to a competent, on-going registrar or registry. *Qualifications* Entities interested in submitting Expressions of Interest should be experienced in areas of auction design, management and implementation. Prior experience with telecommunications, Internet or domain name, energy/utility or other asset auctions would be particularly relevant. *Expressions of Interest* Expressions of interest should be sent to Patrick Jones, at patrick.jones(a)icann.org <mailto:[email protected]> by 23:59 UTC on 18 February 2008. ICANN is hoping to select a qualified entity or entities to assist with auctions in 2008. Accordingly, ICANN is eager to commence a dialogue to determine whether your service is interested and would be capable of assisting ICANN with the development and management of auction processes. ICANN requests Expressions of Interest from potential entities that include information showing that your organization can fulfill the requirements set forth above, as well as background information about your organization, appropriate experience and additional qualifications you believe would be relevant, but that are not addressed above. _______________________________________________ AfrICANN mailing list AfrICANN(a)afrinic.net https://lists.afrinic.net/mailman/listinfo.cgi/africann

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about Google &Safaricom:[email protected]
by John Walubengo 22 Jan '08

22 Jan '08

I came accross the joint effort to b/w google & safaricom with regard to providing e-addresses. Good idea, but my question was: Is the domain 'safaricom.com' locally hosted? I would have been happier (technically and mentally) if the suffix was xyz(a)safaricom.CO.KE or is it that suddenly the .KE suffix has brought us too much shame and pain that no one wants to use it :-(? walu. nb: as a way of leading by example, I have been planning to shed off my jwalu(a)yahoo.com in favor of jwalu(a)jambo.co.ke but I seem to be trapped in some perpetual migration fever...Methinks we need to build .KE, both literally and electronically. ____________________________________________________________________________________ Looking for last minute shopping deals? Find them fast with Yahoo! Search. http://tools.search.yahoo.com/newsearch/category.php?category=shopping

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[Fwd: [AfrICANN-discuss] AFTLD 2nd African ccTLDs Event, Cape Town, SA "April 2008" - Africann invited]
by alice 22 Jan '08

22 Jan '08

Dear all FYI and follow up. best alice -------- Original Message -------- Subject: [AfrICANN-discuss] AFTLD 2nd African ccTLDs Event, Cape Town, SA "April 2008" - Africann invited Date: Tue, 22 Jan 2008 16:52:45 +0300 From: Mohamed EL Bashir <admin(a)isoc.sd> Reply-To: admin(a)isoc.sd, africann(a)afrinic.net Organization: Sudan Internet Society "SIS" To: africann(a)afrinic.net Dear African AfTLD in cooperation with South Africa's Department of Communications “DOC”, AfTLD is organizing the Second African ccTLD event ( Workshops, Training and AfTLD General Assembly meeting in Cape Town, South Africa from7th to 11th of April 2008. AFTLD workshops main objective is to offer advanced DNS training and exchange of best practices between African Country Code Top Level Domain operators/managers. Telecom, ISPs and Governments ICT Agencies, are invited to participate in AfTLD events inorder to be contribute to the process of developing and enhancing a national Internet infrastructure and provide assistance in building a strong local Internet services by promoting and utilizing country’s top level domain . Event Programme : The event programme and logistics will be announced soon. Previous AfTLD Events : Visit AfTLD 2007 Cairo Page ( materials, AGM Report, Photo Gallery, ..ect ) .. http://www.aftld.org/cairo2007/index.html Best Regards, Mohamed El Bashir VP Communications & Out-Reach AFTLD _______________________________________________ AfrICANN mailing list AfrICANN(a)afrinic.net https://lists.afrinic.net/mailman/listinfo.cgi/africann

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I.T. Case Studies...
by Michael Kipsang Bullut 22 Jan '08

22 Jan '08

Greetings, Does anyone by any chance have any documented I.T. Case Studies with them? If you do, could you please forward them to this address: kipsangb(a)iconnect.co.ke Thank you... Kind regards, Michael. -- "To see a world in a grain of sand, and a heaven in a wildflower...hold infinity in the palm of your hand, and eternity in an hour..." ~ William Blakeg. --

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Open Positions at AfriNIC
by brian 22 Jan '08

22 Jan '08

FYI from AfriNIC ------------------------------- Dear Colleagues, The following positions are opened at AfriNIC: 1. Communications Area Manager. http://www.afrinic.net/job/jobs2008/afjob_cco200801_Advert.htm 2. Event Coordinator & Marketing Communication Officer. http://www.afrinic.net/job/jobs2008/afjob_ecco200801_Advert.htm Both positions will be based at our headquarters in Mauritius. For any further queries, do not hesitate to contact us on jobs(a)afrinic.net. Kind Regards, Kiran Cunniah Executive Assistant AfriNIC

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Food for thought
by Gakiria 21 Jan '08

21 Jan '08

Dear All, An error does not become truth by reason of multiplied propagation, nor does the truth become error because nobody will see it. -Mohandas K. Gandhi(1869-1948) The propagandist's purpose is to make one set of people forget that certain other sets of people are human. -Aldous Huxley, novelist (1894-1963)

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[Fwd: African Banking Technology Conference, Nairobi, 15-22 February.: Sharing Knowledge and Best Practices in Banking across Africa"
by alice 20 Jan '08

20 Jan '08

/"Sharing Knowledge and Best Practices in Banking across Africa"/ 15-22 February 2008 at the Kenyatta International Conference Centre, Nairobi *Hosted and organised by AITEC Africa: http://www.aitecafrica.com/?q=node/524 * Africa’s financial sector aspires to world-class systems and standards that match best practices in developed economies. But at the same time, the continent’s banks have to seek growth in the region’s vast majority of unbanked who require low-cost mass banking services. The effective application of IT and telecommunication solutions is essential for developing a profitable balance between these two sides of the banking market. World-class systems have to be carefully examined and assessed for their appropriateness to extend services to mass, low-income, mostly rural customers – instead of widening the divide between a banking system that serves an urban elite, delivering high-value services to a limited market, and the vast majority of the population that remains unbanked and therefore excluded from the formal economy. The African Banking Technology Conference provides the region’s banking community with in-depth briefings from African and international experts that will enable them to assess latest banking technology systems and strategies to achieve an effective and profitable balance. *Who is the conference aimed at?* The event will have several key audiences: • ICT managers & professionals in the banking and financial services sector • Policy-makers • High-level managers at CEO, COO and CFO level • Innovators and service providers active in the financial services sector • Telecom operators and service providers • NGOs/civil society organisations directly involved with delivering banking or microfinance services in rural areas. • Media representatives *Evaluation and Outputs* There will be several outputs from the event: • Increased knowledge among ICT managers and ICT professionals in the East African banking sector of latest international trends and technologies and their application in the region • Increased awareness among high-level non-technical managers in the sector of the vital role ICT has to play in their business strategies – and the range of technologies and systems available. • Informed media coverage that will help build a profile for the issues under discussion. • Brokering of relationships between suppliers and users of ICT systems for the financial sector. *Presentation Proposals* To propose a Forum presentation, send a brief outline to Sean Moroney, email: seanm(a)aitecafrica.com <mailto:[email protected]> *Conference six-day programme http://www.aitecafrica.com/?q=node/524* ** *Exhibition* There will be an exhibition linked to the conference, providing an opportunity to network with participants in a unique educational setting. For more information email info(a)aitecafrica.com <mailto:[email protected]>

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Annual Digital Africa Summit : “Next Generation Convergence Driving Positive Change”,22-24 April 2008 • Johannesburg South Africa
by alice 20 Jan '08

20 Jan '08

Annual Digital Africa Summit “Next Generation Convergence Driving Positive Change” 22-24 April 2008 • Hilton Sandton Hotel • Johannesburg South Africa Having recently completed the 5th Annual Summit which was an enormous success for all involved. We are pleased to announce the 6th annual Digital Africa Summit 2008 will take an in depth look at technology convergence from an African perspective. Operators on the African continent are currently rolling out WiMax networks, developing IPTV capability and yet many Africans struggle to access even the most basic services. The problems facing African operators are exacerbated by a sense of confusion in the entire Global telecoms industry surrounding implementation of Next Generation Networks. In spite of the confusion and uncertainty surrounding NGN, in 2008 a Global boom is expected in the investment into Triple & Quadruple Play, Fixed-mobile convergence and WiMax solutions. The Digital Africa Summit aims to assist African operators by providing information that will aid them in developing a focussed, practical strategy moving forward. This will be achieved by orchestrating a debate between: * Leading regulatory authorities from Africa and the World (ICASA, ETSI and more) * Operators from Africa and the World * Solution providers such as Alcatel, Nortel, Ericsson and Motorola * System integrators such as IBM and Dimension Data We expect participating executives to leave this debate with greater clarity and understanding about the challenges they will face in developing their networks. The Summary from this year: "The recently concluded 5th Annual Digital Africa Summit attracted participants from over 22 African countries ranging from Government Ministers, Chief Accounting Officers (Permanent Secretaries, Director Generals, Principal Secretaries etc) and public sector professionals to Chief Executives and Managing Directors of leading information and communication technology companies in Africa. This was the first time the ICT practice in Africa was convened in the scenic parliamentary capital of South Africa to discuss ‘Corporate Social Responsibility and how ICTs can set the standard for sustainable development’. The session was opened by South Africa’s Minister of Communications Hon Ivy Matsepe-Casaburri who placed emphasis on the need for sustainable use of information and communication technology in order to meet the expectations of the world information society..." To read the rest of the Summary, please feel free to check out the Archive section of the website for the Summary, Photos, Presentations & Testimonials from the previous Summits. "Highly focused meetings between supplier and prospective buyers. This is a very good Summit. It meets and exceeds my expectations completely. The discussions and content is quite relevant and complimentary to the ongoing responsible development of Africa." Managing Director, VDT Communications Ltd

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Safaricom expresses concern over inflammatory SMS
by Mike Theuri 19 Jan '08

19 Jan '08

http://www.kbc.co.ke/story.asp?ID=47669 Safaricom expresses concern over inflammatory SMS Written By:Rose Kamau, Posted: Sat, Jan 19, 2008 Safaricom has expressed concern over the content of inflammatory text messages being sent around vilifying the company and urging members of the public to shun its services in the name of propagating mass action. In a statement, the company asserts its commitment to the welfare of all Kenyans. The company says it has a staff of over 1,400 Kenyans, in addition to dealer network of 400 dealers employing over 2,500 Kenyans, and indirectly over 25,000 people across the country. "Safaricom currently has over 9.3 million Kenyans subscribers and we know that in one way or another, Safaricom plays a part in Kenya's day to day life, "the company says. The company further says it has contributed to the creation of a sustainable environment by promoting dialogue with its stakeholders countrywide and assisting local communities, through its CSR programs through the Safaricom Foundation. "Having allocated more than Ksh100 million over the past year alone, on projects ranging from education, health, community development, environment, Arts, and culture, sports and disaster funding, Safaricom has and will continue to positively impact hundreds of thousands of Kenyans, " the company says. The company calls for the current crisis to be resolved peacefully soon to avert further loss of lives destruction of property. "We are also committed to alleviating the suffering being experienced by the many Kenyans who have lost their loved ones, livelihoods and homes. It is in this respect that together with our partners Safaricom Foundation and Vodafone Foundation, we have donated Kshs 15 million to the Kenya Red Cross Society towards post-election emergency relief services ". "We have also launched three methods through which members of the public can assist their fellow Kenyans by donating money either by sending funds through Sambaza to line 0721 100 000, by sending a peace message to the short code 767 where each message is charged at Kshs 20, or by sending any amount up to Kshs 35,000 via M-Pesa to account number 10000", the company says.

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No Peace Without Justice [NPWJ]
by Bill Kagai 19 Jan '08

19 Jan '08

Colleagues, As I had informed you earlier, a human rights investigations body called 'No Peace Without Justice' - www.npwj.org - based in Brussels, has been seconded by the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights - www.knchr.org - to spearhead investigations and forensic audit of the causes behind the recent violence, killings, displacement and wanton destruction of property after the 2007 general elections. Having talked to the officers in charge of this operation, they have indicated to me that they require a lot of ICT support in mapping the conflict region, geo-information and 'access' to feed data straight into the database from the field. I have been helping the consultants with basic IT support and informed them that in our Kictanet fraternity, they will be able to get all the support (resources, financial, mobility) to help heal our country and bring the perpetrators of this violence to justice. As a Kictanet patriot, I kindly request you to liaise directly with - *Niccolò A. Figà-Talamanca * or *Anthony Kuria* - email - akuria(a)knchr.org - +254 20 2717908/2717928 to understand the problem statement and see how your firm or as individual can contribute to this enormous task ahead of them. -- Bildad Kagai MD - MediaCorp Limited Nairobi Stock Exchange [NSE] - Authorised Information Vendor Suite B2 Tetu Apartments StateHouse Avenue P. O. Box 20311-00200 Tel. 254 20 272 8332 Fax. Rendered Obsolete URL. www.mediacorpafrica.com --

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STATE OF THE INDUSTRY LUNCHEON 24/01/2008 – KENYA ICT FEDERATION - KENYA ICT BOARD
by nancy bosire 18 Jan '08

18 Jan '08

Kenya ICT Federation * * 18th January 2008 Dear members and partners, RE: STATE OF THE INDUSTRY LUNCHEON 24/01/2008 – KENYA ICT FEDERATION - KENYA ICT BOARD During 2008 KIF will organise a series of State-of-the-Industry luncheons with the Kenya ICT Board, for our Members and guests. The Kenya ICT Board (KICTB) will present its mandate, undertakes to each time present its up-to-date strategic plan and KIF will select a theme for each session. At these meetings, KICTB expects support from the KIF membership as a think tank and source of inspiration. Please note that KICTB has invited the new KIF KICTB Liaison Committee to obtain information about its ongoing activities and programme implementation, whenever required. This will assist KIF to inform its Members better about the KICTB programmes and to encourage their participation. The first meeting in this series will be on the 24th of January 2008 at the Grand Regency from 12.30pm to 2.30 pm. The agenda will be e-mailed mid next week. Charges: Ksh. 2,000 for Members and Ksh.3, 000 for non-members. Contact details are below for early reservations. Book early to avoid disappointment. PLEASE CIRCULATE WIDELY. Sincerely yours, Nancy Bosire *Secretariat Manager* *Kenya** ICT Federation Tel: 020 4440102 Mobile: 0721907995* *secretariat(a)kif.or.ke**, info(a)kif.or.ke* *http://www.kif.or.ke* <http://www.kif.or.ke/>** Mahatma Gandhi once said:- First they ignore you, Then they laugh at you, Then they fight you, AND THEN YOU WIN!!!

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Uganda: ICT Sector Brought in Sh256b in 2007
by Harry Hare 18 Jan '08

18 Jan '08

Interesting figures here from Uganda, unfortunately no comparison was made (or at least the journalist did not capture it) with 2006 figures to measure the growth in the past 12 months. What is interesting is that ICT has contributed to 9% of the GDP! Any such measurement from CCK? Harry ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ New Vision (Kampala) 17 January 2008 Posted to the web 18 January 2008 David Muwanga Kampala THE information and Communication Technology (ICT) sector attracted projects worth sh256b ($150m) last year, the Uganda Communications Commission (UCC), has announced. "Investment in the sector for the year 2007 was estimated at $150m and its contribution to the gross domestic product is approximately 9%," Patrick Masambu, the head of UCC, said on Monday. Masambu was speaking at a function where MTN, uganda telecom and Celtel handed in a combined contribution of sh5.1b to the rural communication development the fund. The telecom operators give a conditional 1% of their annual gross earnings to fund. Masambu explained that more than 300,000 jobs were created directly and indirectly. "This is an increase of one hundred times following the restructuring of the sector and this is likely to increase as a result of the new service providers recruitment drive as well as indirect employment," he said. He disclosed that over 20 companies had been licensed to provide voice telephony and data services. "A wide range of modern postal products including easy mail track and trace, electronic money transfer are now available in the market and the public should utilise them," Masambu said. He said the customer base had also grown from 50,000 in 1998 to 4.7m, representing a tele-density of about 16%. Masambu, however, warned of several challenges the fund faces, including infrastructure limitations in rural areas and insecurity. African eDevelopment Resource Centre 3rd Floor, Nelleon Place Raphta Road, Westlands PO Box 49475 00100 Nairobi, Kenya Cel +254 725 650044 Land +254 20 4453445 www.africanedevelopment.org *********************************************************** February 2008 Capacity Building Opportunities VSAT Field Engineering: 5-8 Records Management: 13-15 Fiber Optics: 26-29 Book Now, Limited spaces available

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[Fwd: [Fibre-for-africa] Q&A with SEACOM President]
by alice 17 Jan '08

17 Jan '08

Hi all FYI -------- Original Message -------- Subject: [Fibre-for-africa] Q&A with SEACOM President Date: Thu, 17 Jan 2008 11:39:47 +0100 (CET) From: Wairagala Wakabi <wakabi(a)cipesa.org> Reply-To: APC - Private list for use by EASSY Workshop Participants <fibre-for-africa(a)lists.apc.org> To: APC - Private list for use by EASSY Workshop Participants <fibre-for-africa(a)lists.apc.org> References: <478EEA7B.7040702(a)apc.org> <FB0CFC3EE5CB18438CE7E5D638A91B8082084F(a)SFCMAIL01.safaricom.net> <2526.217.113.73.239.1200565276.squirrel(a)mail.cipesa.org> Q&A with SEACOM President Construction of the13,700 km Sea Cable System (SEACOM, www.seacom.mu) is underway and expected to reach completion by June 2009. The cable will comprise of two fibre pairs, connecting South Africa, Mozambique, Madagascar, Tanzania, and Kenya to India and Egypt, with an option for connectivity into the UAE and Djibouti. Fibre-for-Africa (www.fibreforafrica.net) spoke to SEACOM Ltd. president Brian Herlihy. Excerpts: Q. Who are the partners in SEACOM and how much are they investing in the network? A. SEACOM has publicly announced its investors, it is 75% African owned with Agha Khan Economic Development Group (IPS) out of East Africa, Venfin, Convergence Partners and Shanduka group from South Africa. The remaining 25% is owned by Herakles Telecom, our New York based development company. Herakles management is also the management of Sithe Global (developer and investor of the Bujagali Hydro in Uganda) and Global Alumina, a $4.5 billion alumina refinery in Guinea. Q. What do you envisage will be the prices for SEACOMs bandwidth? A. SEACOMs pricing is the equivalent of $100 to $170 per Mb/s per month. Q. In what ways will SEACOM be competitive compared to other fibre initiatives in the region, such as TEAMS and EASSy? A. SEACOM is the only cable offering a PoP to PoP solution for Europe and Asia. I believe this is a large advantage and the purchase of onward capacity is a difficult process. SEACOM understands that TEAMS has very competitive pricing to Fujairah. SEACOM believes that its pricing to Europe is more competitive than EASSys pricing to Sudan. Q. How will SEACOM assure affordability of services, and how has it been responsive to NEPADs calls for Open Access? A. SEACOM has structured each landing point as an open access unit. This has been accomplished in two formats. First, the capital cost of the landing stations is a sunk cost for SEACOM, in other words SEACOM does not seek to recover the investment costs of the landing station through co-location fees. Secondly, each landing station is built with an additional building whereby customers can put their own equipment at the cable station. SEACOM has published its prices through many different forums. The pricing is an 80% discount over current satellite charges and is the only cable offering capacity directly from a PoP (Point of Presence) in Nairobi to a PoP in Europe or India without the requirement to purchase onward capacity. Q. Would you say the fact that SEACOM is not a local company in the countries where it is going to land fibre places it at a disadvantage compared to pother cable systems such as EASSy and TEAMS? A. Depending on each countrys regulatory regime, SEACOM has either established a local entity to operate the cable or partnered with an existing cable. SEACOM will bring experienced operators to the cable to ensure that the local entities maintain world class quality service. Q. What are your comments to the assertion that it is not viable for the eastern coast of Africa to have three competing cables? Do you see a need for the cables to cooperate in some areas rather than duplicate everything? A. The current capacity demand on the East Coast of Africa is very small. However, we believe that the future demand will experience exponential growth. Having said the three competing systems would create a large over-supply which could create a short term glut. Q. What is Herakles Telecom and where does it operate from? A. Herakles Telecom is a development company set in New York. The management is the same management that works with Sithe Global (www.sitheglobal.com) and Global Alumina (www.globalalumina.com) Q. There has been talk that Herakles staff were involved in the Africa One project which did not materialise, and that they collected money from African telecom, which money has purportedly not been refunded. How true is this, and how could it affect SEACOMs operations? A. I have noted the slander towards myself and JP (Jean Pierre de Leu) out of Kenya. I can confirm that both of us worked and spent many years with Africa ONE for the hope that this project would go forward. However, neither of us were principals of this project and left the project from 2002. It was our understanding that the only countries that made a deposit were Eritrea and Mauritania. We understand that the sales person for Eritrea was able to help that money be returned. It should be noted that the Africa ONE name was sold by AT&T to a private investment group in 1998 and it was this group who was responsible for that money ¬ JP and myself have nothing to do with this entity. Since Africa (2002) I have worked as a developer on over $5 billion of projects in Africa, each of which have excellent reputations and large impacts in their respective countries, including Bujagali in Uganda. - wakabi(a)cipesa.org --- _______________________________________________ Fibre-for-africa mailing list Fibre-for-africa(a)lists.apc.org http://lists.apc.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/fibre-for-africa

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